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OLD   ROUGH  AND    READY  SERIES. 


1.  OLD  ROUGH  AND  READY. 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE  OF  GEN.  ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 

2.  OLD  HICKORY. 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE  OF  GEN.  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

3.  THE  MILL  BOY  OF  THE  SLASHES. 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE  OF  HENRY  CLAY. 

4.  THE  GREAT  EXPOUNDER. 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE  OF  DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

5.  THE  SWAMP  FOX. 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE  OF  GEN.  FRANCIS  MARION. 

6.  THE  LITTLE  CORPORAL. 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 


LEE   AND   SHEPARD,    Publishers, 

BOSTON. 


The  Mill-Boy  of  the  Slashes. 


OLD   ROUGH  AND   READY  SERIES 


THE 

MILL  BOY  OF  THE  SLASHES 

YOUNG  FOLKS'  LIFE 

OF 

HENRY    CLAY 

By   JOHN    FROST 

ILLUSTRATED 


BOSTON 
LEE    AND    SHEPARD    PUBLISHERS 

NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    T.    DILLINGHAM 

1887 


Copyright,  1887, 
By  LEE  AND  SHEPARD. 


All  rights  reserved. 


Old  Rough  and  Ready  Series. 


PREFACE. 


vwwvvuwww 


The  biography  of  Henry  Clay  is  the  history  of 
his  country,  during  the  term  of  years  that  it  em- 
braces. But,  although  he  was  a  constant  actor  in 
public  life,  his  sphere  did  not  embrace  such  stir- 
ring events  on  the  ocean  and  the  battle-field,  as 
give  the  lives  of  many  other  American  public 
men  their  interest. 

Mr.  Clay's  history  is  the  history  of  the  Legisla- 
tion of  the  United  States ;  and  we  have  labored 
so  to  present  it,  that  our  young  readers  may  be 
introduced  to  a  portion  of  the  annals  of  their 
country,  which  is  not  usually  embraced  in  brief 
and  compendious  narratives. 

His  personal  history,  particularly  that  of  his 

early  years,  is  an  incentive  to  labor  and  diligence ; 

for  what  he  accomplished,  was  won  with  less  edu 

cational   advantages,    than   most   of  our  young 

(iii) 


IV  PREFACE. 

readers  possess.  And  jet,  by  diligence,  "  The 
Mill-Boy  of  the  Slashes,"  became,  as  a  brother 
Senator  happily  styled  him,  "  Primus  inter  Ulus- 
tres"  —  the  Prince  of  the  Senate.  He  held  this 
position  not  by  the  accident  of  birth,  for  his 
parentage  was  obscure  —  not  by  the  favor  of  par- 
tisans, for  he  was  often  in  the  minority  —  not  by 
talent  alone,  for  natural  powers,  uncultivated, 
betray  their  possessor.  To  natural  parts,  aided 
by  industry,  Henry  Clay  owed  his  usefulness  and 
his  fame.  A  nation  honors  him  ;  for  the  influence 
of  his  mind  has  guided  the  progress  of  his  coun* 
try  —  felt  as  that  influence  has  been  even  while 
unacknowledged.  And  it  will  moreover  be  per- 
petual ;  for  it  established  customs  and  rules  which 
have  survived  the  founder,  and  will  endure  as 
long  as  the  republic. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Birth  and  Boyhood  of  Henry  Clay  —  His  Schooling  —  His  Clerkship 
in  Richmond — Enters  the  Office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  High  Court 
of  Chancery Page     13 

CHAPTER   II. 

Young  Clay  as  a  Student  —  Chancellor  Wythe  —  His  Friendship  for 
the  young  Student — His  Removal  to  Lexington — His  own  Review 
of  his  Early  Life 23 

CHAPTER   III. 

Lexington  Debating  Society  —  The  Kentucky  Bar  —  Party  Excite- 
ment — Washington  and  Adams  —  Foreign  Emissaries  —  French 
Aggressions  —  Apprehended  War  with  France  —  The  Alien  and 
Sedition  Acts 31 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Democrats  and  Federalists  —  Mr.  Clay  takes  the  Field  against  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  Acts  —  Mr.  Clay  and  Emancipation  —  Is  ap- 
pointed U.  S.  Senator  —  "  Old  Bess." 43 

CHAPTER   V. 

Mr.  Clay  in  the  Kentucky  Legislature  —  Difficulty  with  Mr.  Mar- 
shall— Again  sent  to  the  Senate  —  Mr.  Clay  upon  "Protection" — 
Governor  Shelby — The  Governor's  Household — Mr.  Clay's  House- 
hold —  Ashland  —  The  Bottle  of  Wine 55 

(v) 


VI  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Navigation  of  the  Mississippi — Louisiana  Ceded  to  France  by  Spain 

—  Napoleon's  Project  of  a  military  Colony  —  His  double  Perfidy 
to  the  United  States  and  Spain  —  Purchase  of  Louisiana  by  the 
United  States  —  Disputed  Boundary  of  Florida — Measures  of  Mr. 
Madison  in  Relation  thereto  —  Sustained  by  Mr.  Clay 69 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Bank  of  the  United  States  — Mr.  Clay  in  1811  — Cow  and  Tur- 
key—Mr.  Clay  in  1816 77 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Mr.  Clay  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives — Causes  of  War 
— War  Resolutions  —  Bills  from  the  Senate  —  Mr.  Clay's  speech 
in  Committee — John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke 84 

CHAPTER   IX. 

The  Navy  under  Jefferson  —  Timid  Project  of  Mr.  Madison's  Cabi- 
net— Remonstrances  of  Naval  Officers — Bill  to  increase  the  Navy 

—  Speech  of  Mr.  Clay  —  Naval  History  of  the  War  of  1812 95 

CHAPTER  X. 
Henry's  Embassy  —  Declaration  of  War 105 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Mr.  Clay  appointed  Peace  Commissioner — Retort  Courteous — British 
Demands  —  Long  Negotiation  —  The  Treaty  —  Rejoicings  and 
Complaints — The  London  Times  —  Mr.  Clay's  Speech  in  Lexing- 
ton—  Anecdote 112 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Mr.  Clay's  Eloquence  —  Frankfort  and  the  Hat  —  Madame  De  Stael 
and  Wellington — Bonaparte  —  Mr.  Clay's  Advice  to  Young  Men  126 


CONTENTS.  VII 


CPAPTER  XIII. 

Debts  at  the  close  of  the  War  of  1812  —The  Tariff  of  1816  — Mr. 
Clay  on  the  Spanish  Republics 133 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Close  of  the  Fourteenth  Congress — Its  Leading  Measures — The 
Compensation  Act  —  Public  Dissatisfaction  —  Opening  of  the  Fif- 
teenth Congress  —  Internal  Improvements 147 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Seminole  Campaign  of  1817 — Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister  — 
Pensacola  and  St.  Marks  —  Difficulties  in  the  Cabinet  —  Proceed- 
ings  in  Congress  —  Speech  of  Mr.  Clay 156 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  —  Retirement  of  Mr.  Clay — His  Mission 
to  Virginia — Visit  to  Hanover — Speech  before  the  Virginia  House 
of  Delegates 167 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Mr.  Clay's  Re-Eleetion  to  Congress  —  Chosen  Speaker  —  Greece  — 
Reception  of  Lafayette 178 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Election  of  John  Quincy  Adams  —  His  Testimony  to  Mr.  Clay  — 
Mr.  Clay  in  the  Cabinet — The  Panama  Mission  —  Mr.  Randolph 
and  Mr.  Clay  —  Their  Last  Interview 186 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Mr.  Clay's  Retirement — His  Election  to  the  Senate — Removal  of  the 
Deposites  —  Expunging  Resolution — The  Compromise  Tariff....  193 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Presidential  Elections — Mr.  Clay's  Demeanor  under  Disappointment 
—  Resignation  of  his  seat  in  the  Sena  e 204 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Mr.  Clay's  Withdrawal  from  Public  Life  —  Annexation  of  Texas  — 
The  Tariff —  Liberality  of  Mr.  Clay's  Friends  —  Speech  on  the 
Irish  Famine — Death  of  Henry  Clay,  Jr. — Mr.  Clay's  Baptism  — 
His  Journeys  —  Speech  on  Colonization 211 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Mr.  Clay  returns  to  the  Senate  —  The  Compromise  of  1850  —  The 
River  and  Harbor  Bill  of  1851 219 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Mr.  Clay's  Last  Illness  —  Interview  with  Kossuth— His  Demeanor 
in  the  Sick-room  —  His  Death 226 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Speeches  in  Congress  —  Funeral  Honors — Burial  at  Lexington  — 
Conclusion 233 


THE    LIFE 


HENRY   CLAY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD  OP  HENRY  CLAY — HIS  SCHOOLING — 
HIS  CLERKSHIP  IN  RICHMOND — ENTERS  THE  OFFICE  OF 
THE  CLERK  OP  THE  HIGH  COURT  OF  CHANCERY. 

Henry  Clay  was  born  in  Hanover  County, 
Virginia,  April  12th,  1777;  and  thus  entered 
the  world  at  a  time  when  his  first  perceptions 
and  thoughts  would  arise  from  the  new  order  of 
things,  or  be  drawn  toward  the  republican  usages 
of  the  new  era.  By  this  training  he  became,  in 
after  years,  a  fit  successor  to  the  statesmen  who 
had  guided  his  native  country  through  a  long 
and  weary  struggle,  terminating  in  a  dearly  pur- 
chased peace,  the  proclamation  of  which  was. 
among  his  earliest  recollections. 

2  (18> 


14  LIFE   OF 

There  were  many  things  in  the  circumstances 
of  his  birth,  which  were  conducive  to  his  future 
usefulness  and  success.  Upon  the  foundation  of 
a  house  depends  the  strength  of  the  structure; 
and  upon  the  childhood  of  the  man  is  built  his 
future  character.  To  show  how  from  obscurity 
and  without  the  aid  of  wealth,  connections,  or 
what  are  usually  deemed  the  advantages  of  life, 
Henry  rose  to  a  fame  and  position  second  to  few 
in  the  republic,  will  be  the  chief  purpose  of  this 
biography.  Our  young  readers  should  be  stirred 
to  generous  emulation ;  and  as  Henry  Clay  never 
received  the  high  political  reward  which  is 
painted  as  the  summit  of  American  ambition, 
those  who  read  his  life  should  learn  the  value  of 
that  solid  reputation,  and  calm  self-respect,  which 
is  the  substantial  recompense  of  true  patriotism. 
They  should  from  his  history  learn  to  appreciate 
the  consciousness  of  rectitude  which  can  console 
the  possessor  even  under  the  attacks  of  calumny, 
and  which  can  take  away  the  bitterness  of  dis- 
appointment, even  when  to  defeat  there  seems  to 
be  added  the  sting  of  ingratitude.  Accident  may 
place  the  undeserving  on  the  highest  pinnacle  of 
human  honor;  but  no  accident  can  confer  that 
highest  of  worldly  rewards  —  the  innate  sense  of 


HENRY    CLAY.  15 

worth — which  depends  upon  no  popular  verdict, 
and  can  be  taken  away  by  no  human  injustice, 
and  destroyed  by  no  ungrateful  neglect. 

When,  in  1783,  peace  was  proclaimed,  Henry 
Clay  was  in  his  seventh  year,  and  had  been  for 
about  two  years  forced  into  that  state  of  early 
and  trying  independence  which  a  lad  inherits 
who  early  loses  his  father;  for  Henry's  father 
died  in  1781.  He  was  a  clergyman,  and  in  the 
humble  worldly  lot  of  a  self-denying  servant  of 
God,  has  left  no  memorial  which  places  his  name 
on  the  record  of  distinguished  men.  But  he  was 
remembered  while  those  lived  whose  recollections 
went  back  to  the  period  of  his  life,  as  a  man  esti- 
mable and  beloved  in  his  social  relations;  and  the 
fame  of  his  son  will  carry  down  to  posterity  the 
pleasant  memory  of  the  man  whose  early  instruc- 
tions—  so  soon  interrupted  —  formed  the  germ  of 
the  future  excellencies  of  Henry's  character. 

But  though  the  death  of  a  father  is  a  great 
misfortune,  there  is  relief  for  it  in  the  manly 
development  of  character,  and  the  bringing  for- 
ward of  mental  strength,  which  are  the  effect  of 
the  care  of  a  widowed  mother.  Though  her  sway 
be  gentle,  yet  in  the  case  of  children  thus  be- 
reaved we  often  read  Sampson's  riddle  —  out  of 


16  LIFE    OF 

weakness  cometh  strength.  The  boy  during  his 
father's  life  is  dependent ;  but  to  the  feebleness 
of  his  mother  he  becomes  a  protector;  and  is 
early  taught  of  what  value  even  a  child,  disposed 
to  be  obedient  and  useful,  may  prove  in  the 
world.  The  mother  of  Henry  Clay  lived  to  see 
her  son  realize  the  reward  of  his  early  industry 
and  studiousness,  and  his  filial  piety.  She  sur- 
vived until  1827,  at  which  date  Mr.  Clay  had 
been  for  over  twenty  years  in  public  life.  She 
watched  with  a  mother's  honest  exultation  his 
upward  progress;  and  with  a  mother's  deep  affec- 
tion rejoiced  that  public  duties  never  estranged 
his  heart  from  his  domestic  relations,  or  quenched 
the  sacred  feeling  of  filial  piety  and  obedience. 

A  favorite  symbol  during  the  election  of  1844, 
when  Henry  Clay  was  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, was  a  ruddy  lad,  mounted  upon  a  horse, 
with  a  sack  for  a  saddle.  This  referred  to  his 
early  boyhood,  when,  in  common  with  thousands 
of  his  young  countrymen,  he  performed  his  part 
in  the  labors  of  the  house  and  the  homestead.  A 
cardinal  requisite  to  success  in  life  is  industry; 
and  a  right  understanding  of  what  is  honorable 
and  what  is  dishonorable,  will  lead  young  and 
old  never  to  be  ashamed  of  necessary  labor.    Far 


The  Village  School. — Page  17. 


HENRY    CLAY.  17 

less  will  the  truly  honorable  boy  or  man  save  his 
own  fancied  dignity  by  imposing  undue  labor 
upon  mother  or  sister.  There  is  no  more  noble 
trait  of  character  than  generosity;  and  he  who 
sacrifices  pride,  or  overcomes  indolence  for  the 
assistance  of  others,  is  more  truly  generous,  in 
his  self-denial,  poor  though  he  be,  than  if  he 
could  throw  away,  with  lavish  hand,  money 
which  he  need  not  count.  And  the  lad  Henry 
Clay,  when  a  bare-footed  messenger  between  the 
house  and  mill,  no  doubt  felt  more  content  than 
when  in  later  years  he  bore  the  public  burthen. 

The  early  school  advantages  of  Henry  Clay 
appear  to  have  been  very  small.  His  teacher's 
name  was  Peter  Deacon,  and  Mr.  Clay  often  re- 
ferred to  him  with  respect  and  affection.  It  does 
not  appear  that  Henry  had  any  school  oppor- 
tunities after  the  age  of  fourteen  years.  The 
school-house  in  which  he  acquired  the  elements 
of  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic,  was  a  rude 
log  structure,  having  no  glass  windows — if  indeed 
it  had  any  window  whatever.  It  is  said  that  the 
only  aperture  through  which  light  entered  was 
the  open  door.  Henry  went  forward  in  his  arith- 
metic as  far  as  "  Practice,"  a  rule  which,  in  the 
old  style  of  teaching,  was  just  far  enough  from 

2* 


18  LIFE    OP 

"units  under  units,  and  tens  under  tens,"  to  ena- 
ble the  pilgrim  among  figures  to  "see  through " 
the  book.  No  doubt  Henry  was  very  studious 
under  Mr.  Deacon's  tuition ;  and  probably  his 
father's  library,  or  what  remained  of  it  after  his 
decease,  was  useful  to  him.  His  mother  and 
elder  brothers  and  sisters,  for  Henry  was  the 
seventh  child,  must  have  aided  him  in  his  pro- 
gress. Home  education  does  often  more  than  can 
be  accomplished  in  the  few  hours  daily  spent  in 
school.  Many  hours  every  day  under  a  strange 
instructor,  will  do  little,  if  the  familiar  voices  at 
home  do  not  cheer  and  encourage  the  beginner ; 
and  apparently  small  opportunities,  if  home  in- 
fluence is  favorable,  will  produce  great  results. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  Henry  Clay  was  placed 
in  the  store  of  Mr.  Richard  Denny,  in  Richmond, 
Va.  Nearly  all  boys  can  recollect  the  ordeal 
through  which  they  were  required  to  pass,  on 
leaving  the  familiar  objects  at  home,  and  passing 
the  scrutiny  of  other  and  older  lads.  At  school, 
or  in  a  store,  a  shop,  or  an  office,  the  consciousness 
of  awkwardness,  and  want  of  habitude  to  the  new 
occupation,  shows  the  novice  to  ill  advantage. 
The  older  and  accustomed  clerks,  apprentices,  or 
students,  do  not  hesitate  to  make  a  butt  of  the 


HENRY     CLAY.  19 

new  comer.  It  was  a  discipline  through  which 
they  themselves  passed,  and  they  are  not  disposed 
to  lose  their  revenge,  by  forbearing  to  inflict  the 
same  annoyance  on  their  successors. 

In  the  store  of  Mr.  Denny,  Henry  remained 
for  a  year.  We  have  no  record  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  spent  his  leisure  time,  if  he  found  any, 
and  can  only  judge  by  his  conduct  afterward,  and 
by  the  results  of  his  life.  He  says  of  his  own 
education  that  it  was  "neglected,  but  improved 
by  his  own  irregular  exertions,  without  the  bene- 
fit of  systematic  instruction."  In  this  remark — 
uttered  as  an  apology  for  the  deficiencies  which 
he  felt  more  than  others  perceived  —  we  are  not 
to  suppose  that  he  intended  any  reflection  upon 
the  mother  whose  memory  he  so  much  revered. 
She  did  all  that  a  parent  could,  under  such  disad- 
vantages as  beset  her  path.  Nor  was  Mr.  Clay 
forgetful  of  the  kindness  of  Captain  Henry  Wat- 
kins,  to  whom  his  mother  was  married  while 
Henry  was  yet  young.  This  gentleman  took  a 
father's  care  of  his  wife's  older  children,  and  to 
his  kindness  and  influence  Henry  was  indebted 
for  the  propitious  circumstances  which  opened  to 
him  the  career  in  which  he  afterwards  distin- 
guished himself. 


20  LIFE     OF 

Captain  Watkin's  procured  for  Henry  Clay,  at 
the  age  of  fifteen,  a  clerkship  in  the  office  of  Peter 
Tinsley,  Esq.,  Clerk  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  in 
Richmond.  This  was  considered  a  highly  eligible 
position  for  a  lad,  and  it  was  no  small  testimony 
to  Henry's  diligence  that  he  was  competent  to  fill 
it.  Probably  the  other  clerks  had  enjoyed  oppor- 
tunities of  learning  far  superior  to  Henry's :  and 
this  spurred  the  new  comer  to  studiousness  to 
overcome  the  distance  between  himself  and  them. 
And  if  his  first  appearance  in  Richmond  was  a 
trial  to  his  nerves,  the  taking  possession  of  his 
desk  in  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  Chancery  must 
have  been  much  greater.  He  had  in  dress,  man- 
ners, and  general  appearance,  all  the  awkward- 
ness to  which  we  have  already  referred ;  for  a 
year  in  a  store  could  not  transform  a  studious 
boy  into  a  town  lad.  His  very  awkwardness  of 
manner  was  in  reality  a  testimony  in  his  favor. 
Any  quick,  but  superficial  boy,  can  soon  appear 
"to  the  manner  born"  among  lads  who  have  lived 
in  a  circle  which  gives  superficial  polish ;  but  he 
whose  mind  is  occupied  with  graver  pursuits, 
may  long  be  the  object  of  the  ridicule  of  his 
inferiors. 

We  are  not,  then,  surprised  to  learn  that  the 


HENRY     CLAY.  21 

first  impression  of  the  other  clerks  was,  that  in 
the  Mill-Boy  of  the  Slashes  they  were  to  have  a 
fine  object  for  their  practical  jokes,  and  a  victim 
for  their  pleasantries.  The  boy  had  not  a  hand* 
some,  perhaps  not  even  an  agreeable  face.  His 
movements  were  awkward;  his  dress  was  rustic 
—  the  product  of  the  labor  of  his  good  mother  — 
home-spun  cloth,  made  up  without  the  artistic 
skill  of  a  town  tailor.  His  little  coat,  which  she 
without  doubt  had  smoothed,  and  adjusted,  and 
admired,  had  any  thing  but  a  "city  set;"  and  in 
his  clean  and  well-starched  linen,  no  doubt  the 
little  fellow  felt  all  the  consciousness  of  something 
which  he  must  "  keep  nice."  But  the  office  lads 
soon  discovered  that  the  young  rustic  was  no  butt 
for  them,  and  that  whoever  encountered  Henry 
Clay  in  a  war  of  wit  and  repartee,  would  find  no 
small  antagonist. 

Whatever  awkwardness  the  lad  felt  among 
those  awe-inspiring  rows  of  books  and  desks  in 
the  Chancery  Clerk's  office,  we  are  sure  he  could 
not  have  felt  for  one  moment  ashamed  of  his 
parents,  or  disposed  to  undervalue  their  kindness 
which  had  placed  him  there.  Perhaps  his  ardent 
devotion  to  the  system  of  "Home  Industry,"  may 
have  had  its  origin  in  the  Slashes  of  Hanover, 


22  LIFE     OF 

where  he  early  learned  what  economy  and  indus- 
try can  accomplish,  with  small  means  and  against 
adverse  fortune ;  and  if  he  was  not  proud  of  his 
home-spun  clothes,  he  was  glad  that  his  mother 
had  not  robbed  her  own  comforts,  or  incurred 
debts,  to  equip  him,  above  her  pecuniary  means. 
"We  cannot  conclude  this  chapter  better  than  by 
copying  a  sentiment  offered  at  a  Fourth  of  July 
dinner,  in  Campbell  County,  Va.,  by  Mr.  Robert 
Hughes: — "Henry  Clay, —  he  and  I  were  born 
close  to  the  Slashes  of  Old  Hanover.  He  worked 
bare-footed,  and  so  did  I;  he  went  to  mill,  and  so 
did  I ;  he  was  good  to  his  mamma,  and  so  was  I. 
I  know  him  like  a  book,  and  I  love  him  like  a 
brother !" 


HENRY    CLAY.  23 


CHAPTER  II. 

YOUNG   CLAY  AS  A  STUDENT — -CHANCELLOR  WYTHE  —  HIS 

FRIENDSHIP  FOR  THE  YOUNG    STUDENT HIS  REMOVAL 

TO  LEXINGTON  —  HIS  OWN  REVIEW  OF  HIS  EARLY  LIFE. 

Henry  Clay  was  what  may  be  termed  an  extra 
clerk  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Tinsley ;  for  when  he 
was  taken  in,  there  was  no  vacancy.  The  favor 
was  procured  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  his 
friends.  If  he  had  been  idle,  or  negligent,  or 
inefficient,  it  will  readily  be  supposed  that  he 
could  not  have  retained  his  place.  He  was  put 
to  the  task  of  copying — and  of  all  drudgery,  that 
of  writing  off  the  interminable  words  of  legal 
documents,  is  to  a  lad  most  tiresome.  Correctness 
and  clean  writing  are  required;  blots,  misspelling, 
and  interlineations,  cannot  be  tolerated.  And 
although  lawyers  themselves  are  proverbial  for 
bad  penmanship,  the  clerks  who  copy  documents 
for  reference  or  for  record,  must  write  a  clean  and 
legible  hand.  He  soon  won  the  respect  of  his 
office    companions,    and    although    the   youngest 


24  LIFE    0* 

clerk,  his  superior  abilities  gave  him  precedence 
in  their  regard.  He  did  not  buy  their  good  opi- 
nion by  partnership  in  their  follies.  He  was  not 
merely  a  "pleasant  fellow;"  for  when  the  others, 
out  of  office  hours,  devoted  themselves  to  amuse- 
ment, Henry  Clay  applied  himself  to  his  books. 
He  was  a  most  assiduous  student,  and  verified  in 
his  experience  the  fact  that  change  of  occupation 
is  relief  and  rest.  Many  young  men  seek  in  vain 
for  recreation  in  the  excitement  of  the  theatre,  or 
even  more  questionable  places ;  laboring  harder, 
and  fatiguing  the  mind  and  body  more  in  the 
pursuit  of  amusement,  than  they  would  in  the 
calm  prosecution  of  some  useful  employment. 
Henry  Clay  had  a  higher  ambition  than  to  remain 
a  copyist  of  the  results  of  the  legal  knowledge  of 
others.  He  filled  up  his  leisure  in  study.  The 
hints  of  erudition  which  he  obtained  in  his  rou- 
tine of  occupations,  caused  him  to  thirst  for 
knowledge,  and  to  its  acquisition  he  applied  him- 
self with  earnestness. 

Merit  ensures  success.  Among  those  whom 
business  brought  frequently  into  the  office  of  Mr. 
Tinsley,  was  a  venerable  man  whose  own  life  and 
experience  recommended  to  his  notice  the  strug- 
gles of  the  boy  into  whose  history  he  had  inquired, 


HENRY    CLAY.  25 

Himself  left  an  orphan  at  an  early  age,  he  knew 
the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  such  a  position. 
In  his  case,  they  rose  from  the  uncontrolled  pos- 
session of  great  wealth — more  dangerous,  perhaps, 
than  the  temptations  of  poverty.  He  could  see 
the  lures  to-  dissipation  which  surrounded  the 
young,  and  he  admired  the  steadiness  with  which 
Henry  resisted  them.  He  knew  what  industry 
could  accomplish ;  for  after  having  wasted  the 
years  which  are  usually  devoted  to  education,  he 
had  commenced  in  manhood  to  recover  the  time 
he  had  lost;  and  so  successfully  had  he  labored, 
that  at  the  time  of  which  we  speak  he  was  sole 
chancellor  of  the  state  of  Virginia,  a  trust  which 
he  filled  for  twenty  years  —  without  reproach  — 
without  suspicion.  Conspicuous  before  the  Revo- 
lution, in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  as  an  ardent 
patriot;  a  delegate  to  the  first  Congress;  a  signer 
of  the  Declaration ;  a  member  of  the  Convention 
which  formed  the  federal  Constitution;  —  George 
Wythe  was  a  friend  of  whom  a  young  man  might 
well  be  proud.  His  patronage  and  direction 
developed  the  character  of  the  young  clerk,  and 
the  employments  which  he  assigned  to  him  in- 
creased, while  in  a  degree  they  met,  the  thirst  foi 

P, 


.26  LIFE    OF 

knowledge    which    kept    alive    the    ambition    of 
Henry  Clay. 

Chancellor  Wythe  procured  from  Mr.  Tinsley 
the  services  of  Henry  Clay,  as  an  occasional 
secretary,  to  copy  his  decisions.  At  length  he 
became,  in  effect,  the  private  secretary  of  the 
Chancellor,  though  nominally  in  Mr.  Tinsley's 
office.  The  studies  of  Chancellor  Wythe  were 
prosecuted  with  great  industry  and  far-reaching 
research;  in  learning,  industry,  and  sound  judg- 
ment, he  had  few  superiors ;  and  for  a  lad  like 
Henry  Clay  to  be  such  a  man's  private  secretary 
was  itself  an  education.  And  not  only  in  strictly 
legal  knowledge,  but  in  the  classics,  in  history, 
in  polite  literature,  the  friendly  advice  of  the 
Chancellor  was  the  guide  of  the  young  clerk. 
Under  such  judicious  instruction,  Henry  Clay 
was  so  trained  that  he  was  more  than  able  to  cope 
with  his  compeers,  who  received  the  benefits  of 
education  in  Universities.  He  was  a  continual 
student,  needing  only  suggestive  advice ;  and  he 
rewarded  counsel  by  obedience,  thus  encouraging 
his  friends  to  direct  him.  Nothing  is  more  dis- 
couraging to  one  who  wishes  well  to  a  youth, 
than  to  find  him  inattentive  to  the  directions  of 
his  elders.     No  labor  was  thus  lost  upon  Henry 


HENRY     CLAY.  27 

Clay.  He  not  only  availed  himself  of  the  kind- 
ness of  his  friends,  but  remembered  their  good 
offices  with  gratitude,  and  referred  to  them  with 
emotion,  when  he  had  reached  a  position  in  which 
he  no  longer  needed  patronage  or  advice,  but 
could  confer  both. 

Many  youth  read  —  but  their  reading  may  be 
desultory ;  without  any  established  aim,  and  per- 
haps with  no  higher  object  than  amusement. 
Henry  Clay  read  with  an  object,  as  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  when  his  name  had  been  en- 
rolled for  about  a  year  only,  as  a  student  of  law, 
in  the  office  of  Attorney-General  Brooke,  he  was 
admitted  to  practice  by  the  Court  of  Appeals. 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  one  year  could  con- 
fer knowledge  of  law  sufficient  to  entitle  a  minor 
to  admission  to  the  Bar,  and  we  therefore  infer 
that  the  reading  of  the  lad  always  was  of  a  prac- 
tical and  useful  character.  For  five  years  young 
Clay  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  Chancellor  Wythe's 
friendship ;  and  he  was  furthermore  introduced 
into  the  society  and  notice  of  John  Marshall, 
afterward  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  and 
other  distinguished  men  of  that  era.  He  had 
thus  an  opportunity  of  acquiring,  at  the  fountain- 
head,  a  knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  the  founders 


20  L  I  F  E     O  F 

of  the  lepublic,  in  the  constitution  which  thej 
dreAV  up,  and  the  laws  which  were  passed  in  pur- 
suance of  it.  His  intimate  relation  with  these 
political  patriarchs,  apprised  him  of  the  cost  of 
that  Union  with  which  his  life  may  be  said  to 
have  begun;  and  in  his  after  life  he  showed  him- 
self, on  more  than  one  important  occasion,  the 
effective  friend  of  his  country,  and  its  able  de- 
fender, whether  the  threatening  danger  came 
from  foreign  foes,  or  arose  from  internal  diffi* 
culties. 

We  cannot  pass  this  period  in  the  life  of  our 
hero,  without  commending  the  example  of  the 
young  man  who  sought  to  improve  his  mind  by 
listening  to  the  wisdom  of  his  seniors,  rather  than 
to  dissipate  his  time  and  talents  in  amusement 
with  his  fellow-students.  He  thus  secured  the 
esteem  of  men  who  could  appreciate  his  charac- 
ter, and  predict  his  success.  His  relations  with 
those  of  his  own  age  were  also  of  an  elevating 
character.  Like  seeks  like  —  and  with  other 
young  men  like  himself,  studious  and  ambitious, 
he  combined  amusement  with  instruction  in  the 
exercises  of  a  debating  society;  which  was  the 
first  scene  of  his  capacity  for  oratory  and  for 
argument.     The  promise  of  his  life  early  deve- 


HENRY     CLAY.  29 

loped  itself;  and  we  may  add  also  that  his  capa- 
city for  winning  and  securing  friends  was  also 
early  manifested.  His  frank  and  generous  nature 
had  none  of  the  finesse  and  art  which  can  secure 
advancement  by  duplicity  and  management.  He 
had  not  the  small  ambition  which  can  stoop  to 
flattery  and  fawning,  but  his  character  was 
stamped  with  an  early  manliness  which  commands 
respect  while  it  invites  affection. 

After  obtaining  admission  to  the  Bar,  Henry 
Clay  removed  to  Lexington,  Kentucky,  in  1797. 
His  parents  had  preceded  him  in  emigration  to 
that  State.  The  following  brief  review  of  his 
boyhood  is  extracted  from  a  speech  made  by  him 
in  1842,  when  he  met  some  of  his  old  friends  at 
an  entertainment,  upon  his  retirement,  as  he  sup- 
posed, from  public  life.  "  In  looking  back  upon 
my  origin  and  progress  through  life,  I  have  great 
reason  to  be  thankful.  My  father  died  in  1781, 
leaving  me  an  infant  of  too  tender  years  to  retain 
any  recollection  of  his  smiles  or  endearments. 
My  surviving  parent  removed  to  this  State  in 
1792,  leaving  me,  a  boy  of  fifteen  years  of  age,  in 
the  office  of  the  High  Court  of  Chancery,  in  the 
city  of  Richmond,  without  guardian,  without 
pecuniary  support,  to  steer  my  course  as  I  might 

3* 


30  LIFE    OF 

or  could.     A  neglected  education  was  improved  by 
my  own  irregular  exertions,  without  the  benefit  of 
systematic  instruction.     I  studied  law  principally 
in  the  office  of  a  lamented  friend — the  late  Gover- 
nor Brooke  —  then  Attorney-General  of  Virginia, 
and  also  under  the  auspices  of  the  venerable  and 
lamented    Chancellor  Wythe,  for    whom    I    had 
acted    as    amanuensis.     I  obtained    a    license  to 
practise  the    profession  from  the  Judges  of  the 
Court   of  Appeals    of  Virginia,  and    established, 
myself  in  Lexington,  in   1797,  without  patrons, 
without  the  favor  or  countenance  of  the  great  or 
opulent,  without  the  means  of  paying  my  weekly 
board,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  Bar  distinguished 
by  eminent  members.     I  remember  how  comfort- 
able I  thought  I  should  be,  if  I  could  make  one 
hundred  pounds,  Virginia  money,  per  year,  and 
with  what  delight  I  received  the  first  fifteen  shil- 
lings fee.     My  hopes  were  more  than  realized — I 
immediately  rushed  into  a  successful  and  lucra- 
tive practice." 


HENRY    CLAY.  31 


CHAPTER   III. 

LEXINGTON  DEBATING  SOCIETY  —  THE  KENTUCKY  BAR  — 
PARTY  EXCITEMENT  —  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS  —  FOR- 
EIGN EMISSARIES  —  FRENCH  AGGRESSIONS  —  APPRE- 
HENDED WAR  WITH  FRANCE — THE  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION 
ACTS. 

Mr.  Clay  did  not  immediately  enter  upon  the 
practice  of  law  in  Lexington,  but  allowed  some 
months  to  pass  in  farther  preparatory  studies, 
before  he  applied  for  admission  as  a  practitioner. 
He  had  a  guarantee  of  success  in  his  modest  esti- 
mate of  his  own  acquirements ;  and  knowing  the 
distinguished  men  with  whom  he  would  have  to 
cope,  he  preferred  to  wait  and  discipline  his  mind 
by  application,  and  to  review  and  systematise  the 
studies  which  he  had  pursued  with  industry,  but 
not  with  method. 

An  amusing  anecdote  is  related  of  this  part  of 
his  life.  There  was  a  debating  society  in  Lex- 
ington, of  which  Mr.  Clay  of  course  became  a 
member.     His  purposes  in  life,  and  his  associa- 


32  LIFE    OF 

tions,  would  naturally  lead  him  to  embrace  all 
helps  to  the  acquirement  of  experience  in  speak- 
ing, and  no  opening  was  to  be  neglected  which 
would  enlarge  his  circle  of  acquaintance,  and 
introduce  him  to  those  most  likely  to  be  of  benefit 
to  him.  One  evening,  as  the  debate  was  about  to 
close,  Mr.  Clay  remarked  to  those  who  sat  near 
him,  that  'khe  did  not  think  the  subject  had  been 
exhausted."  The  observation  was  overheard,  and 
by  universal  consent,  Mr.  Clay  was  called  upon 
to  speak.  He  had  never  spoken  in  Lexington, 
and  probably  never  in  Richmond,  except  in  the 
debating  club  there ;  and  the  call  of  his  friends 
caused  him  no  small  feeling  of  embarrassment. 
"  ]V£r.  Clay  will  speak !"  said  one  or  two  members 
to  the  chairman;  and  as  he  had  hinted  that  there 
remained  something  j^et  to  say,  he  was  placed  in 
a  dilemma  from  which  he  could  only  escape  by 
saying  it.  The  chairman  nodded  to  the  new 
member  —  all  ej^es  were  turned  upon  him  in  ex- 
pectation, and  all  voices  were  hushed  as  he  rose. 
"  Gentlemen  of  the  jury" — Mr.  Clay  commenced, 
and  ashamed  of  his  ludicrous  error,  could  not 
proceed.  But  the  politeness  of  the  chairman, 
and  the  courtesy  of  the  members,  who  withheld 
even  the  pardonable  mirth  which  such  a  mistake 


HENRY    CLAY.  33 

might  well  occasion,  reassured  him.  But  he 
began  again  "Gentlemen  of  the  jury" — and  yet 
again  made  the  same  inappropriate  commence- 
ment. As  he  must  now  speak,  having  risen,  he 
persevered,  and  convinced  his  hearers  that  the 
subject  was  not,  indeed,  yet  exhausted.  Many 
who  heard  him  that  night,  and  others  who  heard 
of  the  awkward  commencement  of  a  brilliant 
speech,  were  in  the  habit,  while  they  lived,  of 
contrasting  this  maiden  effort  with  the  uncon- 
strained and  brilliant  speeches  which  afterward 
fell  from  Henry  Clay,  the  finished  orator  and  able 
statesman. 

This  first  speech  in  Lexington,  notwithstanding 
its  awkward  commencement,  must  have  been  a 
very  striking  performance,  and  no  doubt  did 
much  in  opening  Mr.  Clay's  path  to  the  practice 
of  his  profession.  One  of  the  gentlemen  who 
heard  it,  was  in  the  habit  of  declaring  that  the 
debating  club  speech  was  the  best  that  Mr.  Clay 
ever  made  in  his  life!  He  was  young,  ambitious, 
and  sensitive,  and  deeply  felt  the  importance  of 
first  impressions  to  his  success  on  a  new  scene. 
The  commencement  "gentlemen  of  the  jury" 
betrayed  his  secret,  and  exposed  the  fact  how 
busily  he  had  prepared  unspoken  speeches,  and 


34  L  I  F  E     0  F 

how  fixed  his  mind  was  upon  the  profession  which 
he  had  selected.  It  was  acknowledging  that  he 
had  studied  —  and  to  fail  would  be  to  betray  the 
fact  that  he  had  studied  to  little  purpose.  But 
he  nerved  himself,  and  succeeded. 

If  the  young  lawyer  felt  diffident  upon  entering 
the  profession  of  law  on  account  of  his  estimation 
of  the  talents  of  the  members  of  the  Kentucky 
Bar,  time  has  shown  that  his  appreciation  of  his 
competitors  was  not  exaggerated.  Nicholas, 
Brackenridge,  Hughes,  Brown,  Murray,  Rowan, 
and  others ;  men  who  have  been  conspicuous  in 
the  judiciary — in  the  National  and  State  Legisla- 
tures— in  foreign  embassies — and  in  the  walks  of 
public  life  at  home,  were  among  his  associates. 
And  his  own  life  has  presented  a  career  as  distin- 
guished as  that  of  any  of  his  contemporaries. 
Some  of  these  men  had  already  achieved  reputa- 
tion when  Henry  Clay  entered  the  lists  with 
them ;  and  others  rose  with  him  to  eminence  and 
note.  There  is  no  school  for  youth  more  improv- 
ing than  a  generous  and  honorable  rivalry ;  and 
he  is  sure  best  to  succeed  whom  choice  or  circum- 
stance places  among  those  with  whom  it  is  an 
honor  to  contend. 

During  these  early  days  in  the  history  of  the 


The  Debating  Society. 


HENRY     CLAY.  35 

republic,  master  minds  had  great  subjects  with 
which  to  grapple.  Perhaps  these  very  subjects 
made  the  men,  developing  and  strengthening 
their  natural  powers,  and  requiring  more  various 
knowledge  than  in  more  settled  times.  Every 
thing  was  new ;  and  what  is  now  determined  by 
custom,  had  then  to  be  established  upon  its  own 
merits.  The  Presidency  of  Washington,  and  of 
John  Adams,  was  a  stormy  period.  Even  the 
high  veneration  which  the  nation  felt  for  the 
Father  of  his  country,  did  not  prevent  his  motives 
from  being  assailed,  and  his  character  aspersed, 
with  a  violence  and  rancor  unexceeded  in  modern 
party  warfare.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  in 
1796,  President  Washington  wrote  very  feelingly 
upon  this  subject  of  party  bitterness:  — 

"  Until  within  the  last  year  or  two,  1  had  no 
eoneejotion  that  parties  would,  or  even  could,  go 
the  lengths  I  have  been  witness  to ;  nor  did  I 
believe  until  lately  that  it  was  within  the  bounds 
of  probability — hardly  within  those  of  possibility 
— that  while  I  was  using  my  utmost  exertions  to 
establish  a  national  character  of  our  own,  inde- 
pendent, as  far  as  our  obligations  and  justice 
would  permit,  of  every  nation  of  the  earth;  and 
wished,  by  pursuing  a  steady  course,  to  preserve 


36  LIFE    OF 

this  country  from  the  horrors  of  a  desolating  war, 
I  should  be  accused  of  being  the  enemy  of  one 
nation,  and  subject  to  the  influence  of  another; 
and,  to  prove  it,  that  every  act  of  my  administra- 
tion would  be  tortured,  and  the  grossest  and  most 
insidious  misrepresentations  of  them  be  made,  by 
giving  one  side  only  of  a  subject,  and  that  too,  in 
such  exaggerated  and  indecent  terms  as  could 
scarcely  be  applied  to  a  Nero  —  to  a  notorious, 
defaulter  —  or  even  to  a  common  pickpocket." 

This  is  strong  language.  That  it  was  not  the 
effect  of  mere  feeling,  there  are  unfortunate 
proofs  extant,  in  the  contemporary  newspapers, 
and  the  correspondence  of  the  period  —  in  the 
debates  of  Congress,  and  in  the  votes  barely  sup- 
porting the  President,  which  are  on  record.  The 
nation  of  which  he  was  accused  of  being  the 
enemy,  was  France;  and  that  under  the  influence 
of  which  he  was  said  to  act,  was  Great  Britain. 
Time  has  removed  party  prejudice,  and  no  man 
of  any  party  now  presumes  to  doubt  the  purity 
and  integrity  of  George  Washington ;  and  even 
the  measures  wrhich  were  unpopular  during  his 
life,  it  is  conceded  were  fittest  for  that  period. 
What  he  endeavored  to  do,  as  he  claims  in  the 
above  paragraph,  it  is  now  admitted  that  he  per- 


HENRY    CLAY.  37 

formed,  and  very  much  more.  His  acts  and  his 
measures  form  the  precedents  or  examples  upon 
which  the  government  is  now  conducted.  But 
this  could  not  be  the  case  without  loss  to  the 
present  popularity  of  the  man  who  dared  to  do 
what  he  thought  right,  at  any  personal  sacrifice. 
The  "exaggerated  and  indecent  terms"  in 
which  President  Washington  was  assailed,  grew 
principally  out  of  opposition  to  the  determined 
stand  of  neutrality  which  he  took  in  relation  to 
the  wars  which  followed  the  French  Revolution; 
and  it  is  matter  of  history  that  those  who  attacked 
him  were  directly  or  indirectly  in  the  French 
interest.  There  was  everything  to  prejudice  a 
generous  people  against  Great  Britain,  and  in 
favor  of  France.  With  the  one  nation,  the  coun- 
try had  but  recently  been  at  war;  and  the  other 
was  the  friend  and  ally  of  America  in  her  strug- 
gle. But  the  discernment  of  Washington  could 
not  be  blinded  as  to  the  character  of  the  revolu- 
tionary government  of  France,  or  the  tendency 
of  the  wholesale  innovations  in  religion,  order, 
and  law,  which  the  reckless  fury  of  the  French 
Revolution  proposed  and  attempted.  He  feared 
what  events  have  since  shown — that  France  was 
Uot   fitted    for    republican    institutions.     By   his 

4 


38  LIFE    OF 

resolute  adherence  to  the  policy  which  prudence 
and  patriotism  dictated,  the  United  States  were 
saved  from  embroilment  in  the  European  difficul- 
ties. But  the  French  Minister,  and  indeed  the 
French  Government,  took  the  highly  indelicate 
and  aggressive  attitude  of  appeals  to  the  preju- 
dices of  the  American  people  against  the  govern- 
ment; the  Minister  setting  on  foot  expeditions, 
in  defiance  of  law,  against  England  and  Spain  ; 
and  successive  ministers  addressing  letters  to  the 
government,  which  in  more  than  one  case  were 
published  simultaneously  with  their  presentation 
t<  the  authorities.  These  were  often  written  in 
a  spirit  of  arrogance  and  insult  which  it  is  diffi- 
cult now  to  conceive  possible.  They  were  issued 
at  periods  when  they  might  have  an  influence  on 
elections ;  and  when  the  choice  of  a  successor  to 
General  Washington  was  pending,  one  of  these 
offensive  documents  made  its  appearance.  And 
not  only  were  these  acknowledged  papers  put 
forth,  but  through  the  press  appeared  unacknow- 
ledged articles,  written  by  the  same  dictation. 

General  Washington,  after  eight  years'  service, 
was  succeeded  by  John  Adams,  in  1797.  Not- 
withstanding the  efforts  of  his  opposers,  foreign 
and  domestic,  such  was  the  moral  grandeur  of 


HENRY    CLAY.  39 

his  character,  that  Washington  might  have  re- 
ceived a  third  unanimous  election.  But  he 
declined  a  re-election  in  the  Farewell  Address, 
which  has  ever  since  been  appealed  to  as  defining 
American  policy;  and  which  even  the  eloquence 
of  Kossuth,  during  his  late  tour,  could  not  set 
aside,  or  persuade  the  nation  to  forget.  Thus 
has  experience  vindicated  the  wisdom  of  Wash- 
ington, although  some  of  his  contemporaries,  and 
among  them  patriots  and  well-wishers  to  their 
country,  second  only  to  himself  in  fame,  differed 
from  him  in  opinion. 

His  successor  had  not  the  prestige  of  a  name 
so  honored  to  second  his  administration.  At  that 
time,  the  mode  of  election  differed  from  the  pre- 
sent. Each  elector  deposited  two  names,  without 
designating  either  as  President  or  Vice-President. 
The  candidate  who  had  the  highest  vote  was 
declared  President,  and  the  next  in  order  Vice- 
President.  Thus  Mr.  Adams  had  for  his  Vice- 
President,  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  pledged  to  a 
different  line  of  policy  from  that  which  Mr.  A. 
pursued.  The  practical  difficulties  which  this 
mode  of  election  caused  were  perceived,  and  the 
present  method  of  electing  President  and  Vice- 
President  has  been  substituted. 


40  LIFE     OF 

Without  the  unanimity  of  choice  which  elected 
Washington,  and  laboring  under  the  disadvantage 
of  having  received  a  partisan  vote,  being  elected 
over  Mr.  Jefferson  by  a  majority  of  three  only, 
Mr.  Adams  had  great  difficulties  to  contend  with. 
The    French    Government    became    even    more 
aggressive  than  under  Washington's  administra- 
tion, and    the    British  Government  did    nothing 
which  could    reconcile  the    people  to  what  was 
represented  as  the  undue  partiality  of  the  admi- 
nistration for  that  power.     Affairs  reached  such 
a  crisis  that  war  with  France  was  deemed  inevi- 
table, and  General  Washington  was    summoned 
from  his    retirement    to    take    command    of  the 
American  army.     The    subject  was    thus   intro- 
duced, by  President  Adams,  to  the  attention  of 
Washington:  "In  forming  an  army,  whenever  I 
must  come  to  that  extremity,  I  am  at  an  immense 
loss  whether  to  call  out  the  old  generals,  or  to 
appoint  a  new  set.     If  the  French  come  here,  we 
must  learn   to  march  with   a  quick   step,  and  to 
attack,  for  in  that  way  only  they  are  said  to  be 
vulnerable.     I  must  tax  you  sometimes  for  advice. 
We  must  have  your  name,  if  you  will  in  any  case 
permit  us  to  use  it.     There  will  be  more  efficacj 
in  it,  than  in  many  an  army." 


HENRY     CLAY.  41 

The  difficulty  did  not,  however,  proceed  to  open 
war,  being  averted  by  negotiation.  Much  was 
endured.  Spoliations  on  American  commerce 
took  place,  and  the  flag  of  the  United  States  was 
insulted  by  both  England  and  France.  But  the 
conduct  of  the  latter  power  was  most  preposte- 
rous, particularly  to  the  American  envoys  who 
were  sent  to  Paris  to  negotiate.  These  envoys 
were  even  menaced  in  France  with  odium  in 
America,  which  the  French  authorities  threatened 
to  excite  against  them.  When  these  facts  were 
officially  published,  an  universal  feeling  of  indig- 
nation in  the  United  States  overcame  all  party 
prejudice,  and  as  the  French  authorities  de- 
manded money  as  a  preliminary  condition  to  any 
negotiations,  the  answer  of  the  American  people 
was  "  millions  for  defence,  not  a  cent  for  tri- 
bute !"*  Under  the  pressure  of  these  causes,  and 
while  the  United  States  seemed  to  be  contemptu- 
ously treated  as  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
foreign  nations — neither  Great  Britain  nor  France 
fully  acknowledging  her  independence  —  the 
famous  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts  were  passed. 
Great  Britain  continued  to  hold  forts  on  our 
Western  frontier,  and  within  our  acknowledged 
*  Marshall. 

4* 


4:2  LIFE    OF 

territories,  and  insisted  on  her  claim  to  search 
our  vessels,  and  impress  men  alleged  to  be  her 
subjects.  France,  in  the  manner  already  de- 
scribed, tacitly  denied  our  nationality  ;  and  both 
nations  seemed  to  have  forgotten  that  the  United 
States  had  ceased  to  be  British  provinces,  and 
were  therefore  no  longer  a  mere  battle-ground 
for  European  quarrels.  By  the  Alien  Act,  the 
President  of  the  United  States  was  authorized  to 
send  aliens — as  foreigners  are  termed — out  of  the 
United  States,  if  he  deemed  them  dangerous 
characters;  and  no  form  of  judicial  proceeding 
was  necessary  in  the  case.  And  by  the  Sedition 
Act,  prosecutions  could  be  maintained  against 
those  parties  who  accused  the  government  un- 
justly. 


HENRY    CLAY.  43 


CHAPTER  IV. 

DEMOCRATS     AND     FEDERALISTS MR.    CLAf    TAKES    THE 

FIELD    AGAINST    THE  ALIEN  AND    SEDITION    ACTS MR. 

CLAY  AND  EMANCIPATION — IS  APPOINTED  U.  S.  SENATOR 
"OLD  BESS." 

General  Lafayette  well  pronounced  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  "a  happy  compound 
of  State  rights  and  Federal  energy."  But  the 
precise  limits  of  the  Federal  and  State  sovereign- 
ties it  was  impossible  to  state  in  any  instrument 
written  by  man.  The  trial  of  the  compact  by 
circumstances  must  define  its  nature ;  and  it  was 
Henry  Clay's  privilege  to  be,  in  youth,  the  atten- 
tive observer  of  the  rjrogress  of  the  events  which 
have  determined  many  important  questions. 
Chancellor  Wythe,  his  early  friend,  was  one  of 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  the  proper 
ambition  of  the  young  man  brought  him  in  con- 
tact with  many  other  of  the  leading  spirits  of  the 
day.  There  were  two  great  contending  parties; 
the  Federalists  —  who  were  accused  of  the  inten- 


44  L  I  F  E     0  F 

tion  to  strengthen  the  United  States  Government 
at  the  expense  of  the  rights  of  the  States ;  and 
the  Democrats — who  were  for  leaving  the  largest 
latitude  to  the  States,  to  guard  against  disunion. 
The  councils  of  the  former  party  prevailed  during 
the  days  of  Washington;  but  the  moderation  of 
that  magistrate,  and  the  democratic  tendencies  of 
the  people,  prevented  any  such  evil  as  was  appre- 
hended. On  the  other  hand,  the  reaction  caused 
by  the  disastrous  issue  of  the  French  attempt  at 
a  republic,  checked  democracy  from  exceeding 
the  limits  of  safety;  and  between  the  struggles 
of  the  two  parties,  rules  were  established  which 
have  settled  the  policy  of  the  United  States  down 
to  the  present  day.  ^here  are  still  many  ques- 
tions which  remain  undecided,  but  as  none  of 
them  equal  in  importance  what  have  already 
been  determined,  we  need  not  doubt  that  the 
Federal  Union  will  prove  strong  enough  for  any 
exigence.  When  Jefferson  came  into  power,  he 
declared  the  contest  upon  the  original  disputes  of 
the  two  great  parties,  at  an  end.  "  We  are  all 
republicans  —  we  are  all  federalists." 

To  return  to  the  subject  of  our  narrative  — 
Henry  Clay.  The  matter  introduced  at  the  close 
of  the  last  chapter,  is  necessary  as  preliminary  to 


HENRY     CLAY.  45 

noticing  young  Clay's  first  appearance  as  a  politi- 
cian. It  was  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-one,  as 
an  earnest  opponent  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws.  Great  as  was  the  excitement  which  fol- 
lowed upon  these  enactments,  they  passed  Con- 
gress without  any  very  strenuous  opposition. 
Once  enacted,  however,  they  were  the  rallying 
point  of  the  opposition.  To  give  the  President 
absolute  and  unquestioned  power  over  the  liber- 
ties even  of  foreigners,  and  to  restrain  the  liberty 
of  the  press  in  the  discussion  of  the  acts  of  the 
public  servants,  were  regarded  as  dangerous  steps, 
tending  to  monarchy  and  absolutism.  The  legis- 
latures of  Virginia  and  Kentucky  passed  strong 
resolutions  condemning  these  laws  as  unconstitu- 
tional, and  calling  upon  the  other  States  for 
responses.  But  the  then  existing  evil  of  foreign 
interference — "the  intrigues  of  foreign  emissaries, 
employed  by  the  profligate  government  of  the 
French  Directory,  who  abused  the  freedom  of  the 
press  by  traducing  the  character  of  the  adminis- 
tration and  its  friends,  and  by  instigating  the 
resistance  of  the  people  against  the  government 
and  laws  of  the  Union  "* — this  evil,  we  say,  was 
eo  much  more  apparent  than  the  theoretical  regal 

*  J.  Q.  Adams. 


46  LIFE    OP 

danger,  that  none  other  of  the  States  joined  with 
Kentucky  and  Virginia,  and  several  strongly  dis- 
approved of  their  resolutions.  But  both  measures 
proved  so  decidedly  unpopular,  that  nothing  like 
them  has  ever  been  repeated.  The  Alien  Law 
expired,  by  its  own  limitation,  in  1800,  and  the 
Sedition  Law  in  1801.  Perhaps,  with  the  eminent 
statesman  already  quoted,  we  may  safely  pro- 
nounce the  acts  themselves,  and  the  resolutions 
concerning  them,  as  adversary  party  measures. 

Mr.  Clay  appeared  in  the  field  as  the  earnest 
opposer  of  these  laws.  No  reports  of  his  early 
speeches  on  any  subject  are  preserved,  and  we 
have  not  met  even  a  sketch  of  his  highly  popular 
harangues  upon  this  subject.  It  would  be  curious 
to  know  to  what  length  the  ardent  young  politi- 
cian proceeded;  particularly  as  the  legislature  of 
Kentucky,  in  her  resolutions,  affirmed  the  right 
of  nullification  as  the  proper  remedy  for  uncon- 
stitutional acts  of  the  Federal  Government.  But 
in  the  absence  of  a  full  report,  it  would  be  highly 
unjust  to  hold  the  popular  orator  resjxmsible  for 
all  the  measures  taken  by  those  whose  election 
he  advocated. 

Young  politicians  are  ardent,  and  usually  un- 
gelfish — or  less  selfish  than  older  men.    No  doubt 


HENRY     CLAY.  47 

many  a  man  has  unconsciously  defended  what  he 
esteemed  the  right  with  the  more  zeal  that  it 
chanced  to  be  popular,  and  that  it  thus  opened  a 
path  for  his  ambition.  Still,  the  younger  men  in 
a  republic  look  more  to  patriotic  and  high  na- 
tional considerations,  than  to  expediency ;  for 
expediency  must  make,  more  or  less,  an  impor- 
tant element  in  a  veteran  politician's  calculations. 
We  may  therefore  concede  to  young  Clay  the 
merit  of  discerning  what  subsequent  events  have 
proved,  that  the  power  of  banishing  even  aliens 
simply  upon  the  suspicion  of  the  Executive,  is 
not  a  prerogative  which  comports  with  the  genius 
of  our  institutions. 

Whatever  desire  of  popularity  may  have  en- 
tered into  Mr.  Clay's  course  upon  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  Laws,  there  was  another  subject  on 
which  he  did  not  hesitate  to  defend  the  unpopular 
side,  deeming  it  the  right.  A  convention  was 
about  assembling  to  prepare  a  Constitution  for 
Kentucky,  and  Henry  Clay  was  one  of  the  earnest 
advocates  of  a  provision  for  the  gradual  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  Commonwealth.  The  measure 
failed,  the  majority  of  the  people  out-voting  the 
emancipationists.  Mr.  Clay  had,  previously  to 
his  public  and  personal  advocacy  of  this  reform, 


48  LIFE    OF 

strongly  urged  it  in  a  series  of  papers  published 
in  the  Kentucky  Gazette.  Frequent  reference 
has  been  made  by  Mr.  Clay  to  this  period  in  his 
life.  We  subjoin  an  extract  from  a  speech  deli- 
vered by  him  at  the  anniversary  meeting  of  the 
Kentucky  Colonization  Society,  at  Frankfort,  in 
1829:  — 

"  More  than  thirty  years  ago,  an  attempt  was 
made  in  this  Commonwealth  to  adopt  a  system 
of  gradual  emancipation,  similar  to  that  intro- 
duced in  Pennsylvania,  in  1780.  And  among  the 
acts  of  my  life  which  I  look  back  to  with  most 
satisfaction,  is  that  of  my  having  co-operated  with 
zealous  and  intelligent  friends  to  procure  the 
establishment  of  that  system  in  this  State.  We 
believed  that  the  sum  of  good  which  would  be 
attained  by  the  State  of  Kentucky,  in  a  gradual 
emancipation  of  her  slaves,  would  far  transcend 
the  aggregate  of  mischief  which  might  result  to 
herself  and  the  Union  together,  from  the  gradual 
liberation  of  them,  and  their  dispersion  and  resi- 
dence in  the  United  States.  We  were  overpow- 
ered by  numbers,  but  submitted  to  the  decision 
of  the  majority,  with  a  grace  which  the  minority, 
in  a  republic,  should  ever  yield  to  such  a  decision. 
I  have  nevertheless  never  ceased,  and  never  shall 


HENRY    CLAY,  49 

cease  to  regret  a  decision,  the  effects  of  which 
have  been  to  place  us  in  the  rear  of  our  neighbors, 
who  are  exempt  from  slavery,  in  the  state  of 
agriculture,  the  progress  of  manufactures,  the 
advance  of  improvements,  and  the  general  pros- 
perity of  society." 

It  will  be  sufficient  to  add,  in  this  connection, 
that  Mr.  Clay's  disposal  of  his  slave  property,  by 
will,  shows  that  he  retained  to  the  last  his  ideas 
upon  gradual  emancipation,  and  that  he  remained 
during  his  life  a  friend  to  the  Colonization  enter- 
prise. His  public  labors  and  speeches,  in  early 
life,  had  the  effect  to  secure  a  reputation  which 
brought  him  many  and  profitable  clients.  Both 
as  a  civil,  and  as  a  criminal  lawyer,  he  was  soon 
highly  distinguished ;  and  it  is  said  that  no 
alleged  criminal  whose  defence  he  undertook, 
failed  to  obtain  discharge  or  acquittal. 

In  1803,  Mr.  Clay  was  elected  to  the  legislature 
of  his  adopted  State.  Matters  of  local  interest 
caused  him  to  be  selected,  but  the  election  was  a 
high  compliment  to  his  talents  and  legal  learning. 
The  Lexington  Insurance  Company  was  menaced 
with  a  repeal  of  its  charter,  and  the  late  Hon. 
Felix  Grundy  was  an  advocate  of  the  measure. 
Mr.  Clay  was  opposed  to  it ;  and  both  gentlemen 

5 


60  LIFE     OF 

had  been  employed  as  counsel  by  the  parties, 
whose  controversy  brought  the  question  to  an 
issue.  In  the  House  the  question  came  up,  and 
was  debated  with  much  pertinacity  and  ability. 
The  House  decided  against  the  corporation ;  but 
the  Senators,  who  had  many  of  them  been  pre- 
sent, reversed  this  decision.  Mr.  Clay's  short 
service  in  the  State  Legislature  was  followed  by 
his  appointment  by  the  Executive  of  the  State  to 
complete,  in  the  United  States  Senate,  the  term 
of  General  Adair,  who  had  resigned. 

Whatever  may  be  charged  against  the  unfor- 
tunate and  erring  Aaron  Burr,  no  one  will  suspect 
him  of  any  deficiency  in  legal  acumen.  It  was, 
therefore,  a  great  compliment  to  Henry  Clay,  that 
upon  two  occasions  when  Burr  was  arrested  in 
Kentucky,  he  applied  to  young  Clay  as  his  coun- 
sel. In  neither  case  was  a  bill  of  indictment 
found  against  Burr,  who  was  subsequently  ar- 
rested, and  tried  on  various  charges  of  treason 
and  misdemeanor.  What  the  man  intended  to 
do,  still  remains  a  mystery.  The  difficulty  which 
we  have  seen  in  our  own  day,  attending  the  trial 
of  persons  charged  with  organising  military  expe- 
ditions in  the  United  States,  and  the  sympathy 
which  is  always  enlisted  in  behalf  of  those  who 


HENRY    CLAY.  51 

are  prosecuted  for  political  offences  of  this  nature, 
will  account  for  Mr.  Clay's  undertaking  the  de- 
fence of  Burr.  It  is  proper  to  observe,  however, 
that  as  the  developments  of  the  trial  proved  Burr 
to  have  deceived  him,  Mr.  Clay  regretted  that  he 
had  ever  listened  to  his  request.  But  in  be- 
friending Colonel  Burr,  he  only  shared  the  com- 
mon feeling  of  the  people  of  generous  Kentucky. 
Mr.  Clay  did  not  appear  in  the  trial  of  Colonel 
Burr  at  Richmond,  nor  in  that  trial  was  Burr 
convicted  ;  though  the  verdict  of  popular  opinion 
was  passed  against  him,  from  which  he  never 
recovered. 

Mr.  Clay's  appointment  to  Congress,  in  1806, 
was  but  for  a  single  session  of  the  Senate.  Even 
in  that  brief  period,  he  gave  earnest  of  his  future 
fame  and  influence.  At  that  early  day  in  the 
history  of  our  national  legislation,  no  congres- 
sional act  was  unimportant;  parties  and  states- 
men narrowly  watched  each  other,  since  votes  on 
subjects  which  would  now  be  regarded  as  unim- 
portant, then  had  a  signification  as  fixing  the 
practice  of  the  government.  The  subject  of 
debate  when  Mr.  Clay  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate 
in  1800,  was  the  erection  of  a  bridge  over  the 
Potomac  at  the   expense   of  the  United    States 


52  LIFE    OF 

Government.  The  principle  involved  was  the 
constitutionality  of  public  improvements  at  the 
government  expense.  Mr.  Clay  here  commenced 
the  course  which  he  uniformly  followed  —  the 
defence  of  that  policy — and  his  speech  is  repre- 
sented as  one  of  the  best  he  has  delivered. 

In  1807,  Mr.  Clay's  Congressional  term  having 
expired,  he  was  again  elected  to  the  Legislature 
of  Kentucky.  To  his  early  "canvassing"  the 
following  anecdote  is  referred.  Mr.  Clay  was 
addressing  a  crowd,  when  a  party  of  riflemen, 
who  had  been  practising,  drew  near  to  listen. 
They  were  pleased  with  the  off-hand  and  attrac- 
tive style  of  his  oratory,  but,  backwoodsmen-like, 
considered  that  there  were  other  requisites  to 
manhood,  beside  the  capacity  to  talk.  They 
wanted  no  representative  who  was  not  able  to 
honor  the  Kentucky  weapon,  and  do  good  service 
with  the  rifle.  An  old  man  in  the  company,  who 
seemed  to  have  the  place  of  "spokesman"  assigned 
to  him,  beckoned  to  Mr.  Clay  to  come  towards 
him,  when  his  speech  was  finished.  A  candidate 
for  office,  who  is  soliciting  the  popular  suffrage, 
must  be  very  courteous ;  so  he  obeyed  the  signal. 

"Young  man,"  said  the  Nimrod,  "you  want  to 
go  to  the  Legislature  ?" 


HENRY     CLAY.  53 

Mr.  Clay  acknowledged  this  —  very  modestly 
of  course — principally  on  account  of  his  friends ; 
though  he  confessed,  having  been  nominated,  he 
should  like  to  be  successful.  But  he  was  hardly 
prepared  for  the  next  question. 

"  Are  you  a  good  shot  ?" 

Now  shooting  has  little  to  do  with  legislation, 
but  a  great  deal  depended  upon  the  favor  of  these 
marksmen.  We  are  afraid  that  Mr.  Clay  had 
some  mental  reservation  behind  the  reply  that 
"  he  considered  himself  a  good  marksman  !"  But 
he  was  to  be  proved. 

"  Then  you  shall  go  to  the  Legislature,"  said 
Nimrod  ;  "  but  we  must  see  you  shoot !" 

There  was  no  escape.  Mr.  Clay  pleaded  that 
his  own  rifle  was  at  home,  and  he  never  shot 
with  any  other. 

"  No  matter,"  said  the  hunter.  "  Here's  Old 
Bess ;  she  never  fails  in  the  hands  of  a  hunter. 
She  has  put  a  bullet  through  many  a  squirrel's 
head,  at  a  hundred  yards.  If  you  can  shoot  with 
anything,  you  can  with  Old  Bess."'' 

"  Very  well !"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "  put  up  your 
mark."  There  was  no  escape,  and  he  was  resolved 
to  try,  "  hit  or  miss."  The  target  was  placed  at 
eighty  yards,  and  Mr.  Clay,  bringing  the  piece  to 

5* 


54  LIFE    OF 

his  shoulder,  pierced  the  centre — very  much,  we 
suspect,  to  his  own  astonishment. 

"A  chance  shot!"  cried  his  political  opponents. 
*'He  can't  do  it  again  in  a  hundred  times  trying. 
Let  him  try  it  over !" 

"Beat  that,  and  I  will!"  said  Mr.  Clay.  It  was 
a  fair  offer,  but  no  one  accepted  it;  and  he,  leaving 
well  enough  alone,  passed  with  the  crowd  as  a 
good  marksman.  He  had  moreover,  in  after  life, 
more  fame  in  rifle  practice  than  he  desired. 
When  in  Europe,  as  commissioner  to  make  a 
treaty  with  England,  at  the  close  of  the  war  of 
1812.  he  was  represented  in  an  English  paper  as 
the  man  who  killed  Tecumseh;  and  furthermore, 
it  was  stated  with  all  gravity,  caused  several 
razor  strops  to  be  made  from  the  fallen  Indian's 
skin ! 

While  relating  anecdotes,  we  may  mention 
another  which  Mr.  Clay  used  to  relate  with  much 
humor.  He  was  once  opposed  to  a  gentleman 
who  had  but  one  arm,  and  an  Irish  wag  who  was 
under  obligations  to  him,  voted  for  his  opponent 
on  the  plea  that  he  chose  the  man  who  could  put 
but  one  hand  into  the  public  treasury. 


HENRY    CLAY.  55 


CHAPTER  V. 

MR.  CLAY  IN  THE    KENTUCKY  LEGISLATURE  —  DIFFICULTY 

WITH  MR.  MARSHALL  —  AGAIN  SENT  TO  THE  SENATE 

MR.  CLAY  UPON  "PROTECTION" — GOVERNOR  SHELBY 

THE  GOVERNOR'S    HOUSEHOLD — MR.  CLAY'S  HOUSEHOLD 
ASHLAND  —  THE  BOTTLE  OF  WINE. 

In  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky,  in  1808,  Mr. 
Clay  introduced  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the 
members,  to  encourage  domestic  manufactures, 
and  to  give  their  constituents  an  example,  should 
clothe  themselves  in  fabrics  of  domestic  manufac- 
ture. It  was  always  a  favorite  opinion  with  some 
of  the  prominent  legislators  and  statesmen  of  our 
republic,  that  domestic  manufactures  should  be 
encouraged  by  the  exclusion  of  foreign,  or  by  such 
taxes  on  foreign  goods  as  would  give  American 
the  preference  in  cheapness.  Others  have  resisted 
the  policy  of  "protection,"  as  it  is  termed,  desiring 
to  leave  foreign  and  domestic  fabrics  to  stand 
upon  the  ground  of  unfettered  competition.  The 
right  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 


56  LIFE    OF 

impose  duties  of  a  prohibitory,  or  even  "protec- 
tive" character,  has  been  denied  by  many. 

War,  viewed  in  whatever  light  we  choose,  is  a 
great  evil ;  and  when,  according  to  the  rule  of 
national  custom  or  intercourse,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary to  resist  aggression,  or  to  assert  right,  the 
advantages  which  may  be  secured  through  the 
successful  prosecution  of  warfare,  are  always 
heavily  balanced  by  the  misfortunes  and  social 
disadvantages  which  result  from  even  a  victorious 
struggle.  We  have  noticed  in  preceding  chapters 
the  bitterness  which  the  remains  of  the  war  feel- 
ing caused  in  the  early  councils  of  our  country, 
and  the  charge  of  favor  for  one  nation,  and 
enmity  against  another,  which  were  mutually 
alleged  against  the  great  parties  in  the  United 
States.  The  protective  policy  was  defended  and 
attacked  on  similar  grounds.  It  was  the  policy 
of  Great  Britain  to  discourage,  and  prevent 
manufactures  in  her  colonies,  in  order  to  make 
them  dependent  upon  the  mother  country.  This 
system  was  carried  to  such  an  oppressive  length, 
that  it  formed  one  of  the  most  serious  subjects 
of  complaint  in  the  colonies  against  Great  Britain, 
and  was  among  the  causes  which  led  to  the  war 
of  the  Revolution. 


HENRY    CLAY.  57 

When  the  United  States  became  independent 
of  Great  Britain,  it  was  obvious  that  the  inde 
pendence  was  nominal  only,  while  we  were 
dependent  upon  a  foreign  nation  for  articles 
necessary  not  only  for  government  purposes,  but 
for  the  daily  uses  of  life.  All  admitted  this ;  the 
question  was  whether  American  manufactures 
should  be  left  to  struggle,  unaided,  against  foreign 
rivalry,  or  whether  legislative  enactments  should 
assist  the  American  against  the  foreign  article. 
Mr.  Clay  was  an  earnest  supporter  of  the  latter 
opinion.  With  such  views,  he  brought  forward 
the  resolution  spoken  of  above.  It  was  a  stormy 
session  of  the  legislature,  many  subjects  of  im- 
portance being  canvassed,  and  no  little  heat  being 
exhibited.  Out  of  this  exciting  state  of  things 
grew  a  personal  difficulty,  which  resulted  in  a 
duel  between  Mr.  Clay  and  Humphrey  Marshall. 
We  should  be  glad  if  there  were  no  such  passage 
as  this  to  record  in  his  life ;  but  it  is  no  faithful 
performance  of  the  duty  of  a  biographer,  to  sup- 
press the  account  of  the  faults  of  the  subject  of 
his  work.  Duelling  is  an  indefensible  practice, 
and  no  man  has  more  strongly  condemned  it  than 
Mr.  Clay  himself.  He  said,  in  an  address  to  his 
constituents,  in  1825, — "I  owTe  it  to  the  cominu- 


58  LIFE     OF 

nity  to  say,  that  whatever  heretofore  I  may  have 
done,  or  by  inevitable  circumstances  might  be 
forced  to  do,  no  man  holds  in  deeper  abhorrence 
than  I  do,  this  pernicious  practice.  Condemned, 
as  it  must  be,  by  the  judgment  and  philosophy — 
to  say  nothing  of  the  religion — of  every  thinking 
man,  it  is  an  affair  of  feeling  about  which  we 
cannot,  though  we  should,  reason.  Its  true  cor- 
rective will  be  found  when  all  shall  unite,  as  all 
ought  to  unite,  in  its  unqualified  proscription." 
Mr.  Clay's  abhorrence  of  duelling  is  just — his 
apology  is  weak.  The  same  sophistry  would 
apply  to  any  act  of  violence,  of  revenge,  or  of 
slavish  conformity  to  the  false  opinions  of  the 
world.  What  judgment,  philosophy,  and  religion 
condemn,  cannot  be  defended ;  nor  can  necessity 
be  pleaded  for  it.  True  courage  sets  at  defiance 
the  sneers  of  a  world  which  urge  a  man  to  do 
evil.  There  is  no  heroism  in  preferring  the 
chance  of  a  pistol-shot — the  danger  of  murdering 
or  being  murdered — to  the  terror  of  a  false  public 
opinion.  And  this  erroneous  estimate  of  honor 
is  one  of  the  teachings  of  war.  Yet  there  have 
been  warriors  who  refused,  upon  principle,  to 
engage  in  a  duel;  as  there  have  also  been,  and 
still  are,  many  civilians  who  aspire  to  the  reputa- 


HENRY     CLAY.  59 

tion   of  submitting   their  quarrels    to    the    false 
arbitration  of  the  duel. 

Mr.  Clay's  meeting  with  Marshall  resulted  in 
no  fatal  consequences.  He  was  spared  the  re- 
morse of  murder,  and  his  own  life  was  reserved 
for  the  long  line  of  public  service  to  which  we 
now  return.  He  was  again  elected,  in  1809,  to 
fill  another  Senatorial  vacancy,  that  was  created 
by  the  resignation  of  the  Hon.  Bucknor  Thurston. 
During  this  session  of  Congress,  he  took  occasion 
to  bring  forward  an  amendment  embodying  his 
views  of  the  protection  of  domestic  industry.  A 
bill  was  under  discussion  to  purchase  cordage, 
sail-cloth,  and  other  munitions  of  war;  and  to 
this  an  amendment  was  moved,  that  preference 
should  be  given,  in  the  purchase,  to  articles  of 
domestic  manufacture.  The  sole  object  considered 
in  the  tariff,  up  to  this  date,  was  the  provision  of 
revenue  for  governmental  expenses.  But  Mr. 
Clay,  with  other  statesmen,  saw  the  necessity  of 
the  provision  within  ourselves  of  the  necessaries 
which  war,  by  interrupting  commerce,  might  cut 
off.  Washington  and  Jefferson  had  distinctly 
recommended  the  fostering  of  domestic  industry; 
and  Madison,  then  President,  had  urged  upon 
Congress  such  alterations  in  the  laws.,  as  should 


60  LIFE    OF 

more  especially  protect  and  foster  the  several 
branches  of  manufacture  which  had  then  been 
commenced.  The  bill  above  mentioned,  with  the 
amendment,  was  carried  by  a  large  majority.  We 
subjoin  an  extract  from  Mr.  Clay's  speech  :  — 

"  It  is  a  subject  no  less  of  curiosity  than  of 
interest  to  trace  the  prejudices  in  favor  of  foreign 
fabrics.  In  our  colonial  condition,  we  were  in  a 
complete  state  of  dependence  on  the  mother 
country,  as  it  respected  manufactures  as  well  as 
commerce.  For  many  years  after  the  war,  such 
was  the  partiality  for  her  productions  in  this 
country,  that  a  gentleman's  head  could  not  with- 
stand the  influence  of  solar  heat,  unless  covered 
with  a  London  hat ;  his  feet  could  not  bear  the 
pebbles  or  frost,  unless  protected  by  London  shoes; 
and  the  comfort  or  ornament  of  his  person  was 
only  consulted,  when  his  coat  was  cut  by  the 
shears  of  a  tailor  'just  from  London  !'  At  length, 
however,  the  wonderful  discovery  has  been  made, 
that  it  is  not  absolutely  beyond  the  reach  of 
American  skill  and  ingenuity,  to  produce  these 
articles,  combining  with  equal  elegance  greater 
durability.  And  I  entertain  no  doubt,  that  in  a 
short  time  the  no  less  important  fact  will  be 
developed,  that  the  domestic  manufactures  of  the 


HENRY     CLAY.  61 

United  States,  fostered  by  government,  and  aided 
by  household  exertions,  are  fully  competent  to 
supply  us  with  at  least  every  necessary  article  of 
clothing.  I  therefore,  Sir,  am  in  favor  of  encou- 
raging them,  not  to  the  extent  to  which  they  are 
carried  in  England,  but  to  such  an  extent  as  will 
redeem  us  entirely  from  all  dependence  on  foreign 
countries.  There  is  a  pleasure — a  pride,  if  I  may 
be  allowed  the  expression — (and  I  pity  those  who 
cannot  feel  the  sentiment)  in  being  clad  in  the 
productions  of  our  own  families.  Others  may 
prefer  the  cloths  of  Leeds  and  of  London,  but 
give  me  those  of  Humphreysville." 

From  a  speech  delivered  at  a  later  date,  we 
make  the  following  extract.  We  may  premise 
that  the  man  here  held  up  as  a  model,  was  one 
of  those  men  of  the  revolutionary  era,  of  whose 
friendship  Henry  Clay  was  justly  proud,  and 
whose  experience  and  advice  aided  in  forming  his 
character.  Governor  Shelby  commenced  his  ser- 
vice of  his  country  in  the  Indian  wars  prior  to 
the  declaration  of  independence.  He  served 
through  the  whole  revolutionary  war  in  the  field, 
and  as  a  legislator,  as  soldier,  surveyor,  and  com- 
missary; giving  evidence  of  prudence,  scientific 
knowledge,  and    bravery,  which  entitle    him  to 

6 


62  LIFE    OF 

high  distinction,  and  also  to  solid  reputation.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  convention  which  formed 
the  Constitution  of  Kentucky,  and  was  chosen 
the  first  governor  of  that  State.  He  was  again 
elected  governor  in  1812,  and  at  his  advanced 
age,  was  active  in  the  second  war  with  Great 
Britain,  marching  with  four  thousand  men  to  the 
frontier  where  General  Harrison  commanded. 
After  the  close  of  his  gubernatorial  term,  he  held 
several  important  trusts,  till  overtaken  by  the 
infirmities  of  age.  He  died  in  1826,  at  the  age 
of  seventy-six  years.  Such  was  the  man  whom 
Henry  Clay  thus  cites  as  an  example  :  — 

"  If  you  want  to  find  an  example  of  order,  of 
freedom  from  debt,  of  economy,  of  expenditure 
falling  below,  rather  than  exceeding  income,  you 
will  go  to  the  well-regulated  family  of  a  farmer. 
You  will  go  to  the  house  of  such  a  man  as  Isaac 
Shelby.  You  will  not  find  him  haunting  taverns, 
engaged  in  broils,  prosecuting  angry  lawsuits;  you 
will  behold  every  member  of  his  family  clad  with 
the  produce  of  their  own  hands,  and  usefully 
employed  —  the  spinning-wheel  and  the  loom  in 
motion  by  day-break.  With  what  pleasure  will 
his  wife  carry  you  into  her  neat  dairy,  lead  you 
into  her  store-house,  and  point  yor  to  the  table* 


HENRY    CLAY.  63 

cloths,  the  sheets,  the  counterpanes,  which  lie  on 
this  shelf  for  one  daughter,  or  on  that  for  another, 
all  prepared  in  advance  by  her  provident  care,  for 
the  day  of  their  respective  marriages.  If  you 
want  to  see  an  opposite  example,  go  to  the  house 
of  a  man  who  manufactures  nothing  at  home, 
whose  family  resort  to  the  store  for  everything 
they  consume.  You  will  find  him,  perhaps,  at 
the  tavern,  or  at  the  shop  at  the  cross-roads.  He 
is  engaged,  with  the  rum-grog  on  the  table,  taking 
depositions  to  make  out  some  case  of  usury  or 
fraud.  Or  perhaps  he  is  furnishing  to  his  lawyer 
the  materials  to  prepare  a  long  bill  of  injunction 
in  some  intricate  case.  The  sheriff  is  hovering 
about  his  farm  to  serve  some  new  writ.  On  court 
days — he  never  misses  attending  them — you  will 
find  him  eagerly  collecting  his  witnesses  to  defend 
himself  against  the  merchant's  and  the  doctor's 
claims.  Go  to  his  house,  and  after  the  short  and 
giddy  period  that  his  daughters  have  flirted  about 
the  country  in  their  calico  and  muslin  frocks, 
what  a  scene  of  discomfort  and  distress  is  pre- 
sented to  you  there!  What  the  individual  family 
of  Isaac  Shelby  is,  I  wish  to  see  the  nation,  in 
the  aggregate,  become.  *  *  *  If  statesmen 
Would  carefully  observe  the  conduct  of  private 


64  LIFE    OF 

individuals  in  the  management  of  their  own 
affairs,  they  would  have  much  surer  guides  in 
promoting  the  interests  of  the  state,  than  the 
visionary  speculations  of  theoretical  writers." 

Having  copied  Mr.  Clay's  picture  of  the  house- 
hold of  Governor  Shelby,  it  will  not  be  out  of 
place  to  introduce  here  the  domestic  establish- 
ment of  Mr.  Clay,  as  described  by  one  of  his 
biographers.*  At  the  date  of  Mr.  Clay's  appoint- 
ment to  the  Senate,  in  1809,  he  had  been  married 
ten  years.  Commencing  life  as  a  professional  and 
public  man  at  a  very  early  age,  it  was  fortunate 
for  him,  perhaps,  that  he  had  thus  early  also  the 
responsibilities  of  the  head  of  a  household.  His 
wife,  who  survives  him,  was  born  in  Hagerstown, 
Maryland,  in  1781,  being  thus  four  years  younger 
than  her  husband.  Her  father  was  Colonel 
Thomas  Hart,  a  gentleman  of  high  standing  in 
Lexington ;  for  whom  Mr.  Clay's  respect,  and 
Mrs.  Clay's  affection,  is  shown  by  their  giving  the 
mother's  paternal  name  to  several  of  their  chil- 
dren. The  date  of  the  following  extract  was 
1842:  — 

"Mr.  Clay,  in  all  his  domestic  relations,  has 
sustained  through  life  an  exemplary  and  spotless 
*  Colton. 


HENRY     CLAY.  65 

reputation  as  a  husband,  father,  and  master. 
During  his  long  public  career,  himself  the  ob- 
served of  all  observers,  few  away  from  Lexington 
and  the  neighborhood  ever  heard  any  thing  of  his 
family,  simply  because  everything  there  was  as  it 
should  be.  It  has  been  a  quiet  history,  because 
it  has  been  without  fault,  and  without  ostentation. 
The  virtues  of  Mrs.  Clay,  as  a  faithful  wife,  an 
affectionate  mother,  and  a  kind  mistress,  have  not 
been  altogether  unknown.  At  the  head  of  a 
great  household,  her  cares,  in  the  absence  of  her 
husband  on  public  duty,  so  frequent,  and  often 
long  protracted,  have  necessarily  been  habitually 
extended  to  interests  out  of  doors,  as  well  as  to 
the  customary  domain  of  woman  ;  and  no  lady 
was  ever  better  qualified  for  the  position  she  has 
so  long  occupied.  Her  dairy,  garden,  the  pleasure 
grounds  of  Ashland  —  all  on  a  large  scale  —  and 
her  green-house,  were  always  supervised  by  her; 
and  the  operations  of  a  farm  of  between  five  and 
six  hundred  acres,  were  not  less  constantly  some- 
what under  her  care.  The  feeding  and  clothing 
of  all  the  men  and  women  on  the  farm  and  in 
the  house,  being  some  fifty  or  sixty  in  all,  also 
required  her  attention,  together  with  caring  for 
the  sick.     Not  a  gallon  of  milk,  nor  a  pound  of 

6* 


66  LIFE    OF 

butter,  nor  any  of  the  garden  vegetables,  went  to 
market  without  her  personal  supervision ;  and 
the  extent  of  these  duties  may  be  partly  imagined 
from  the  fact,  that  the  Phoenix  Hotel,  in  Lexing- 
ton, is  supplied  with  thirty  gallons  of  milk  per 
day  from  Ashland,  in  the  summer,  and  twenty  in 
the  winter.  Mrs.  Clay  is  the  first  up  in  the 
morning,  and  the  last  to  bed  at  night.  When 
General  Bertrand  was  a  guest  at  Ashland,  he  was 
much  astonished  at  the  extent  and  variety  of 
duties  discharged  by  Mrs.  Clay,  and  at  the  acti- 
vity and  system  with  which  they  were  accom- 
plished. The  servants,  in  door  and  out,  cared 
for  in  health  and  in  sickness,  in  infancy  and  in 
old  age,  well-housed,  well-clad,  well-fed,  exempt 
from  the  anxieties  of  life,  and  always  treated 
with  indulgence,  would  never  have  known  they 
were  in  a  state  of  bondage,  if  they  had  not  been 
told." 

The  reader  will  not,  we  presume,  be  displeased 
to  learn  something  more  of  Ashland.  We  extract 
from  the  same  source  as  the  above,  the  following 
brief  and  interesting  description :  "  Ashland, 
comprising  the  house,  gardens,  and  park,  is  situ- 
ated a  mile  and  a  half  south-east  from  the  court 
house  in  Lexington.     The  whole  estate  consists 


Ashland,  the  Hesidence  of  Me.  Ceay. 


HENRY    CLAY.  67 

of  between  five  and  six  hundred  acres  of  the  best 
land  in  Kentucky,  which,  for  agricultural  pur- 
poses, is  one  of  the  richest  States  in  the  Union. 
Ashland  proper  was  projected  for  an  elegant 
country-seat.  The  house  is  a  spacious  brick 
mansion,  without  much  pretension  in  architec- 
ture, surrounded  by  lawns  and  pleasure-grounds, 
interspersed  with  walks  and  groves,  planted  with 
almost  every  variety  of  American  shrubbery  and 
forest  trees,  executed  under  the  direction  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Clay.  Mr.  Clay  appears  to  have  de- 
lighted in  gathering  around  him  the  plants  and 
trees  of  his  own  country,  there  being  among 
them  few  exotics.  As  the  domicil  of  the  great 
American  statesman,  Ashland  is  one  of  the  house- 
hold words  of  the  American  people.  Having 
been  deeply  lodged  in  their  affections,  so  long  as 
the  memory  of  the  great  proprietor  is  cherished, 
it  cannot  fail  to  have  a  place  in  history." 

And,  we  may  add,  it  is  an  evidence  of  what 
energy  and  talent — talent  not  ashamed  of  indus- 
try— may  accomplish  for  a  young  American.  Pie 
who  finds  a  model  in  such  a  man  as  Isaac  Shelby, 
cannot  fail  to  become  independent  of  debt  —  ex- 
cept, indeed,  when  drawn  into  embarrassment  by 
misfortune.     Mr.  Clay  has  been  twice  seriously 


68  LIFE    OF 

embarrassed  —  but  in  both  instances  by  liabilities 
for  others.  His  manner  of  living  was  without 
ostentation,  and  his  habit  has  been  to  make  no 
engagements  which  he  could  not  promptly  meet. 
But  we  must  not  anticipate  our  narrative. 

An  amusing  anecdote  is  related  of  Mr.  Clay  in 
connection  with  his  defence  of  American  manu- 
factures and  productions.  A  western  vine-grower 
presented  him  with  some  specimen  bottles  of 
American  wine.  So  pleased  was  he  with  this 
evidence  that  we  need  not  go  abroad  even  for 
luxuries,  that  at  his  annual  visit  to  Washington, 
he  carried  a  bottle  or  two  with  him,  to  astonish 
the  anti-American-system  men,  with  the  Ameri- 
can vintage.  It  was  produced  by  him  at  a  public 
table,  duly  prefaced  with  a  brief  "protective 
speech."  Upon  tasting  it,  his  guests,  in  spite  of 
their  politeness,  looked  awry  and  astonished  in- 
deed. Mr.  Clay  hasted  to  put  it  to  his  own  lips, 
and  found  it  was — very  respectable  whiskey! 
Subsequent  inquiry  developed  the  fact  that  some 
of  his  servants  with  an  epicurean  taste,  had 
drunk  the  wine,  and,  fearing  detection,  refilled 
the  bottles  with  something  decidedly  American 
to  be  sure — but  still  quite  foreign  to  the  purpose. 


HENRY    CLAY.  69 


CHAPTER  VI. 

NAVIGATION  OF   THE    MISSISSIPPI  —  LOUISIANA  CEDED   TO 
FRANCE  BY  SPAIN — NAPOLEON'S  PROJECT  OF  A  MILITARY 

COLONY HIS  DOUBLE  PERFIDY  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES 

AND  SPAIN  —  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA  BY  THE  UNITED 
STATES — DISPUTED  BOUNDARY  OF  FLORIDA — MEASURES 
OF  MR.  MADISON  IN  RELATION  THERETO — SUSTAINED  BY 
MR.  CLAY. 

Among  the  less  familiar  passages  of  history,  is 
the  fact  that  this  continent  narrowly  escaped 
being  made  the  theatre  of  the  exercise  of  the 
warlike  spirit  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  Louisiana 
was  ceded  to  Spain  by  France  in  1763,  and  re- 
mained in  Spanish  occupation  until  1800.  Florida 
was  also  a  Spanish  possession,  having  been  restored 
to  that  power  in  1783,  after  twenty  years'  nominal 
occupation  by  England.  Thus  the  whole  of  the 
southern  and  western  border  of  the  United  States 
was  in  the  possession  of  Spain.  After  much 
negotiation,  and  many  lowering  indications  of 
difficulty,  the  United  States  obtained  from  Spain, 


70  LIFE    OF 

by  treaty,  the  right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi, 
and  also  the  privilege  of  using  the  city  of  New 
Orleans  as  a  place  of  deposit. 

In  1800,  Napoleon  compelled  Spain  to  re-cede 
Louisiana  to  France,  in  the  treaty  of  retrocession 
binding  himself  not  to  suffer  the  colony  to  go  into 
the  hands  of  the  United  States.  But,  as  he  did 
not  wish  to  have  the  possession  of  Louisiana 
clogged  by  any  conditions,  he  compelled  Spain  to 
annul  or  withdraw  the  treaty  stipulation  by  which 
the  United  States  enjoyed  the  use  of  the  waters 
of  the  Mississippi.  Florida  still  remained  in  the 
hands  of  Spain,  and  the  boundary  between  Florida 
and  Louisiana  was  not  very  accurately  defined  by 
the  treaty  of  retrocession.  Napoleon  was  not 
unwilling,  probably,  to  have  open  questions  both 
with  the  United  States  and  with  Spain;  for  a  new 
scene  of  operations  was  open,  before  his  mind,  on 
this  continent,  and  occasions  of  dispute  would 
further  his  designs. 

The  transfer  of  Louisiana  to  France  had  been 
stipulated,  but  not  made  public.  The  designs  of 
Napoleon,  whatever  they  may  have  been,  were 
studiously  concealed ;  but  the  temper  of  the 
French  Government  toward  the  United  States, 
was    anything  but   conciliatory.     An    armament 


HENRY    CLAY.  71 

was  prepared  to  take  possession  of  the  newly- 
acquired  province,  and  twenty  thousand  troops 
waited  embarkation  at  Helvoetsluys,  under  the 
command  of  Bernadotte.  That  the  destination 
of  this  force  was  for  America,  we  have  the  official 
declaration  of  the  French  Government.  The  war 
between  England  and  France  had  ceased,  by  the 
treaty  of  Amiens,  in  1801;  but  the  details  of  the 
treaty  remained  unfulfilled,  and  were  the  subject 
of  continual  anger  and  bitterness.  England  re- 
garded with  jealousy  every  movement  of  France, 
and  although  Napoleon  insisted  to  the  day  of  his 
death,  that  he  intended  at  that  juncture  no  enter- 
prise against  Britain,  yet  the  movements  of  the 
French  troops  in  the  ports  of  France  and  Holland 
were  made  the  occasion  of  hostile  preparations  in 
England.  A  note  by  Talleyrand,  handed  to  the 
British  Ambassador  in  answer  to  a  royal  address 
to  the  British  Parliament,  distinctly  said :  "  If 
His  Britannic  Majesty,  in  his  message,  means  to 
speak  of  the  expedition  of  Helvoetsluys,  all  the 
world  knows  that  it  was  destined  for  America 
and  was  on  the  point  of  sailing;  but  in  conse- 
quence of  that  message,  its  orders  are  counter- 
manded." 

What  a  succession  of  quarrels,  difficulties,  and 


72  LIFE    OF 

wars,  must  have  followed  the  attempt  to  control 
the  Mississippi,  and  hold  the  western  part  of  this 
continent!  "  Louisiana"  had  a  meaning  almost 
indefinite ;  and  the  power  to  annoy  which  such 
an  occupation  would  have  given  France,  might 
have  been  full  of  great  and  unhappy  results.  Not 
the  least  of  these,  would  have  been  the  compul- 
sion of  the  United  States  into  European  war; 
the  continuation  of  our  colonial  misfortunes. 

The  spirited  language  of  a  great  American 
statesman  and  orator*  thus  describes  the  aim  of 
Napoleon :  "  Here  it  had  been  his  purpose  to 
establish  a  military  colony,  with  the  Mexican 
dominions  of  Spain  on  one  side,  and  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  continental  colonies  of 
Great  Britain  on  the  other,  in  the  centre  of  the 
western  hemisphere  —  the  stand  for  a  lever  to 
wield  at  his  pleasure  the  destinies  of  the  world. 
*  *  *  The  restless  spirit  of  Napoleon,  inflamed 
at  the  age  of  most  active  energy  in  human  life, 
by  the  gain  of  fifty  battles,  dazzling  with  a  splen- 
dor then  unrivalled  but  by  the  renown  of  Ca3sar, 
breathing  for  a  moment  in  the  midway  path  of 
his  career,  the  conqueror  of  Egypt — the  victor  of 
Lodi  and  Marengo  —  the  trampler  upon  the  neck 

*  J.  Q.  Adams. 


HENRY     CLAY.  73 

of  his  country,  her  people,  her  legislators,  and 
her  constitution  —  was  about  to  bring  his  veteran 
legions  in  formidable  proximity  to  this  Union. 
*  *  *  In  re-purchasing  from  Spain  the  colony 
of  Louisiana,  Napoleon  —  to  hold  in  his  hand  a 
rod  over  the  western  section  of  the  United  States 
— had  compelled  the  dastardly  and  imbecile  mon- 
arch of  Spain  to  commit  an  act  of  perfidy,  by 
withdrawing  from  the  people  of  the  United  States 
the  stipulated  right  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans. 
The  great  artery  of  the  commerce  of  the  Union 
was  thus  checked  in  its  circulation.  The  senti- 
ment of  surprise,  of  alarm,  of  indignation,  was 
universal  among  the  people.  The  hardy  and 
enterprising  settlers  of  the  western  country  could 
hardly  be  restrained  from  pouring  down  the 
swelling  floods  of  their  population,  to  take  pos- 
session of  New  Orleans  itself,  by  the  rights  of 
war." 

Even  in  Congress  there  were  indications  of  a 
war-spirit.  To  meet  the  dilemma,  President 
Jefferson  sent  Mr.  Monroe  to  France,  to  be  joined 
in  a  Commission  Extraordinary  with  R.  H.  Liv- 
ingston, then  Resident  American  Minister  in 
Paris.  Their  commission  was  to  purchase  the 
island  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  Spanish  territory 

7 


74  LIFE    OF 

east  of  the  Mississippi.  Mr.  Monroe  had  scarcely 
reached  Paris,  when  he  and  his  colleague  were 
informed  of  the  readiness  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment to  cede  to  the  United  States  the  whole  of 
Louisiana.  Napoleon  had  too  much  work  on  his 
hands  already,  in  the  threatened  renewal  of  the 
war  with  Great  Britain,  to  cumber  himself  with 
an  American  colony,  which  would  offer  a  new 
point  of  attack  for  his  European  enemies,  and 
entangle  him,  also,  in  a  contest  with  the  United 
States.  He  needed  money,  and  could  spare  no 
troops  for  trans-atlantic  operations.  To  accept 
the  proposition  to  take  the  whole  colony  of 
Louisiana,  exceeded  the  powers  of  the  commis- 
sioners, and  the  funds  at  their  disposal.  But  they 
closed  with  the  offer,  and  in  a  few  months,  the 
"Great  West"  became,  by  treaty,  a  portion  of  the 
domain  of  the  United  States. 

Spain  objected  to  the  violation  of  Napoleon's 
compact.  The  cession  to  the  United  States  was 
directly  contrary  to  his  promise.  He  silenced 
Spain,,  so  far  as  the  cession  was  concerned  ;  but 
there  still  remained  an  unsettled  question.  What 
was  the  eastern  boundary  of  Louisiana?  Spain 
deemed  that  it  included  anything  this  side  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  Napoleon's  government  defended 


HENRY     CLAY.  75 

her  in  the  assumption.  And  yet  it  is  said  that 
he  was  prepared  to  claim  and  occupy  to  the  river 
Perdido,  the  present  western  boundary  of  Florida. 
The  French  Commissioner  to  take  possession  of 
the  colony  for  France,  admitted  this  fact  to  a 
member  of  the  United  States  Senate,  as  that 
gentleman  declared  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate 
chamber. 

Thus  the  matter  remained  in  dispute  until 
1810.  Congress  passed  laws  at  a  much  earlier 
period,  asserting  the  sovereignty  of  the  United 
States  over  the  disputed  territory,  but  they  were 
not  uniformly  enforced,  until,  in  the  year  above 
mentioned,  President  Madison  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, and  in  pursuance  of  it,  occupied  the  disputed 
ground. 

During  Mr.  Clay's  second  term  of  service  as 
Senator,  the  act  of  Mr.  Madison,  in  asserting 
jurisdiction  east  of  the  Mississippi,  was  the  sub- 
ject of  debate.  Mr.  Clay  vindicated  the  measure, 
declaring  that  the  President  would  have  been 
criminally  inattentive  to  his  duty  had  he  neg- 
lected to  exercise  the  discretionary  power  vested 
in  him  by  the  Acts  of  Congress  above  referred  to. 
He  examined  and  stated  the  legal  points  of  the 
matter  at  issue  between  the  United   States  and 


76  LIFE    OF 

Spain  with  the  acuteness  of  a  lawyer,  and  pressed 
the  vindication  of  American  honor  with  the 
warmth  of  a  patriot.  He  demonstrated  the 
necessity,  to  the  United  States,  of  the  possession 
of  the  whole  of  Florida.  He  ridiculed  the  fear 
of  foreign  interference  to  protect  Spain  in  her 
demands,  and  closed  with  the  hope  of  seeing  the 
United  States  embrace  the  whole  country  east  of 
the  Mississippi.  None  knew  better  than  he  the 
rights  of  this  nation;  and  none  more  warmly 
resisted  the  pretence  of  European  powers  to 
retain  unoccupied  tracts  on  the  continent,  for  the 
purpose  of  cession  and  retrocession  in  adjusting 
treaty  balances.  Mr.  Madison  was  sustained  by 
Congress  in  the  step  he  had  taken. 


HENRY  CLAY.  77 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  BANK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES — MR.  CLAY  IN  1811 — 
COW  AND  TURKEY  —  MR.  CLAY  IN  1816. 

The  first  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  char- 
tered by  Act  of  Congress,  in  1791,  for  the  term 
of  twenty  years.  We  have  not  space,  within  our 
limits,  to  discuss  at  length  the  subject  of  Banks 
and  Banking,  and  shall  allude  to  it  only  so  far 
as  necessary  to  explain  Mr.  Clay's  connection 
with  it.  And  even  that  reference  must  be  brief, 
since  it  will  prove  less  interesting  to  our  readers 
than  any  other  portion  of  his  life ;  and,  we  may 
add,  in  such  a  work  as  this,  less  instructive. 

In  1811,  came  up  the  question  of  the  re-charter 
of  the  Bank.  No  human  institutions  can  be 
perfect ;  and  while  representative  governments 
have  high  advantages  over  all  others,  there  are 
certainly  some  respects  in  which  they  do  not 
work  to  advantage.  Banks  dependent  upon 
popular  legislation  for  re-charter  or  continuance, 
are   frequently  liable    to  depreciation   of  credit. 

17* 


7b  LIFE    OF 

Such  institutions  should  be  not  only  above  mer- 
cantile reproach,  but  above  suspicion ;  as  fluctua- 
tions in  the  value  of  their  stock  and  notes,  occa- 
sion public  losses  to  the  advantage  of  speculators 
and  stock  operators. 

Availing  ourselves  of  the  labors  of  a  distin- 
guished writer  on  the  subject,*  we  condense  from 
his  summary  view  an  abstract  of  the  arguments 
by  which  the  first  Bank  was  defended.  These 
were,  the  credit  and  value  it  would  impart  to 
government  stocks ;  the  convenience  to  the  trea- 
sury in  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  the 
revenue  of  the  government ;  and  the  facilities  it 
would  afford  to  merchants  and  others.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  opponents  of  the  proposed  Bank 
alleged  that  banking  institutions  were  artful  con- 
trivances of  cunning  men  to  grow  rich  at  the 
expense  of  the  people;  that  the  Bank  would 
tend  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  Executive, 
already  too  strong;  and  that  the  charter  was 
unconstitutional.  The  Bank  was  created  by  a 
very  close  vote,  the  democratic  party  going 
against  it.  It  proved  all  that  it  promised  in 
reference  to  raising  the  value  of  government 
securities,  United  States  Stock  being  taken  as 
*  Hildreth,  on  Banks  and  Banking. 


HENRY    CLAY.  79 

payment.  The  advantages  which  it  afforded  to 
the  Treasury  Department  were  evident,  and  its 
utility  in  that  respect  was  great. 

But  the  objection  that  the  institution  would 
strengthen  the  Executive,  was  not  without  its 
proof  in  the  trial.  The  first  Bank  became,  from 
the  force  of  circumstances,  a  party  institution. 
It  had  been  sustained  by  the  friends  of  Hamilton, 
and  opposed  by  the  friends  of  Jefferson ;  and 
when,  in  1811,  the  question  of  the  re-charter 
came  up,  it  was  defeated  by  one  vote  in  the 
Senate,  having  passed  the  House.  The  Senate 
vote  was  a  tie,  and  the  Vice  President's  vote 
decided  the  fate  of  the  application.  Mr.  Clay 
made,  against  the  Bank,  one  of  his  most  effective 
speeches,  from  the  echo  of  which  he  has  never 
been  able  to  escape.  Mr.  Clay  gave  to  his  consti- 
tuents, in  1816,  three  reasons  for  his  opposition 
in  1811  :  first,  that  he  was  instructed  by  the 
Legislature  to  oppose  the  re-charter;  second,  that 
he  believed  the  corporation  had,  during  a  portion 
of  the  period  of  its  existence,  abused  its  power, 
and  had  sought  to  subserve  the  views  of  a  poli- 
tical party ;  and  third,  that  as  the  power  to 
create  a  corporation,  such  as  was  proposed  to  be 
continued,  was   not   specifically  granted    in    the 


80  LIFE    OF 

Constitution,  and  as  the  bank  did  not  then  appeaf 
to  him  to  be  necessary  to  carry  into  effect  any  of 
the  powers  which  were  specifically  granted,  Con- 
gress was  not  authorised  to  continue  it.  To 
relieve  the  dulness  of  this  topic  a  little,  it  may 
be  well  to  repeat  an  amusing  passage  from  Mr. 
Clay's  speech  against  the  Bank,  in  1811 : 

"  A  bank  is  made  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of 
the  collection  of  the  revenue ;  and  while  it  is 
engaged  in  this,  the  most  inferior  and  subordinate 
of  all  its  functions,  it  is  made  to  diffuse  itself 
throughout  society,  and  to  influence  all  the  great 
operations  of  credit,  circulation,  and  commerce. 
Like  the  Virginia  justice,  you  tell  the  man  whose 
turkey  had  been  stolen,  that  your  books  of  prece- 
dent furnish  no  form  for  his  case,  but  that  you 
will  grant  him  a  precept  to  search  for  a  cow,  and 
when  looking  for  that  he  may  possibly  find  his 
turkey  !  You  say  to  this  corporation,  we  cannot 
authorise  you  to  discount,  to  emit  paper,  to  regu- 
late commerce,  &c.  No,  our  book  has  no  prece- 
dent of  that  kind.  But  then  we  can  authorise 
you  to  collect  the  revenue,  and  while  occupied 
with  that,  you  may  do  whatever  else  you  please!" 

In  1816,  upon  the  suggestion  of  President 
Madison,  the  second  Bank  of  the  United  States 


HENRY    CLAY.  81 

was  chartered.  Mr.  Madison  spake  and  voted 
against  the  charter  of  the  first  Bank  in  1791,  and 
indeed  was  active  in  opposition  to  the  financial 
measures  of  Hamilton  generally.  Mr.  Clay  was 
one  of  the  supporters  of  the  new  Bank,  and 
exerted  himself  in  its  favor.  This  inconsistency 
has  often  been  charged  against  him;  but  if  incon- 
sistent, he  was  not  alone;  for  the  Bank  chartered 
in  1816  was  established  by  the  votes  of  those  who 
had  been  the  most  strenuous  in  their  opposition 
to  the  re-charter  of  the  first  Bank.  The  argu- 
ment was,  that  at  this  crisis  it  was  necessary,  and 
therefore  constitutional. 

We  do  not  purpose  to  follow  the  subject  further. 
The  discussion,  in  which  Mr.  Clay  took  a  very 
active  part,  was  renewed  under  the  administra- 
tion of  General  Jackson,  who  vetoed  a  third  bank 
charter.  The  Independent  Treasury  scheme  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  the  efforts  to  re-establish  a 
Bank,  under  Mr.  Tyler,  kept  up  the  controversy 
upon  the  currency  for  many  years.  It  has  now 
ceased.  Mr.  Webster  declared,  in  one  of  his 
speeches,  that  a  National  Bank  is  "  an  obsolete 
idea;"  and  to  the  same  conclusion  all  parties  seem 
to  have  arrived  at  last.  If  a  bank  chartered  by 
the    United    States    is   unconstitutional,    except 


82  LIFE    OF 

when  necessary  to  enable  the  government  to  carry 
on  its  operations,  its  unconstitutionality  is  esta- 
blished by  nearly  twenty  years'  experience ;  and 
no  party  will  now  be  impolitic  enough  to  under- 
take again  to  establish  a  National  Bank. 

The  jealousy  of  the  great  political  parties  has 
really  had  more  to  do  with  the  question  than  any 
thing  else.  The  democrats  refused  to  re-charter 
the  first  Bank,  because  it  was  in  the  hands  of 
federalists,  and  was  charged  with  having  been 
Hade  their  instrument;  and  the  federalists,  actu- 
ated by  a  similar  feeling,  voted  against  the  second 
Bank,  because,  as  a  democratic  measure,  it  might 
become  their  ally.  The  third  attempt  was  de- 
feated—  certainly  in  part,  if  not  altogether  —  on 
party  grounds ;  and  the  paper  currency  of  the 
country  is  well  relieved  from  the  inconveniences 
of  a  connection  with  national  politics.  The  two 
banks  unquestionably  rendered  good  service  in 
their  day,  with  all  their  disadvantages.  Each,  at 
the  close  of  wars  which  had  impoverished  the 
national  exchequer,  aided  in  the  establishment 
of  the  national  credit ;  and  each  rendered  other 
important  services,  in  circumstances  which  will 
not  again  occur.  For  instance,  the  Bank  of  1816 
celieved  the  Treasury  of  the  United    States  of 


HENRY    CLAY.  83 

thirteen  millions  of  the  notes  of  non-specie-paying 
banks.  The  country  has  gained  in  experience, 
and  in  the  elements  of  true  wealth.  The  first 
will  forbid  the  renewal  of  the  dangerous  alliance 
of  bank  and  state — dangerous  not  so  much  to  the 
state  as  to  the  bank,  and  the  pockets  and  business 
of  the  people  —  and  the  second  will  put  banking 
upon  its  true  basis,  whether  conducted  under 
state  or  national  charters,  or  followed  as  an  indi- 
vidual and  private  business. 


84  LIFE    OP 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

MR.  CLAT  SPEAKER    OF   THE   HOUSE    OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

CAUSES  OF  WAR  —  WAR  RESOLUTIONS BILLS    FROM 

THE    SENATE MR.    CLAY'S    SPEECH    IN    COMMITTEE  — 

JOHN  RANDOLPH,  OF  ROANOKE. 

We  have  seen  Mr.  Clay  twice  a  member  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  as  Senator,  rilling 
the  unexpired  terms  of  others.  In  1811,  he 
received  the  higher  popular  honour  of  an  election 
to  the  House  of  Kepresentatives. 

President  Madison  had  summoned  Congress  to 
meet  a  month  earlier  than  usual,  on  account  of 
the  disturbed  condition  of  our  foreign  relations. 
Mr.  Clay  appeared  in  his  place  on  Monday, 
November  4th,  and  was  at  once  elected  Speaker 
of  the  House.  He  received  seventy-five  votes 
out  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight.  On  taking 
the  chair,  he  acknowledged  the  honor  done  him, 
briefly  and  pertinently  as  follows  :  — 

"Gentlemen,  —  In  coming  to  the  station  which 
you  have  done  me  the  honor  to  assign  me  —  an 


Henry  Clay  the  Statesman.— Page  85. 


HENRY    CLAY.  85 

honor  for  which  you  will  be  pleased  to  accept  my 
thanks  —  I  obey  rather  your  commands  than  my 
inclination.  I  am  sensible  of  the  imperfections 
which  I  bring  along  with  me,  and  a  consciousness 
of  these  would  deter  me  from  attempting  a  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  of  the  chair,  did  I  not  rely 
confidently  on  your  generous  support.  Should 
the  rare  and  delicate  occasion  present  itself,  when 
your  Speaker  should  be  called  upon  to  check  or 
control  the  wanderings  or  intemperance  of  debate, 
your  justice  will,  I  hope,  ascribe  to  his  interposi- 
tion the  motives  only  of  public  good,  and  a  regard 
to  the  dignity  of  the  House.  And,  in  all  in- 
stances be  assured,  gentlemen,  that  I  shall  with 
infinite  pleasure,  afford  every  facility  in  my 
power  to  the  despatch  of  public  business,  in  the 
most  agreeable  manner." 

The  position  of  Speaker  of  the  House,  always 
one  of  importance,  was  forty  years  ago  of  even 
greater  consequence  than  now.  As  we  have  had 
before  occasion  to  remark,  the  policy  of  the 
government,  and  the  Congressional  usages  of  the 
United  States,  were  as  yet  undetermined ;  and  it 
was  Mr.  Clay's  delicate  duty  to  decide  on  points 
where  he  could  not  appeal  to  past  usage.  We 
may  observe  in  evidence  of  his  impartiality,  that 


86  LIFE    OF 

although  he  had  frequent  occasion  to  d.ffer  from 
members,  jet  in  no  case  during  the  term  that  he 
presided,  was  his  decision  reversed  by  appeal  to 
the  House.  His  election  was  an  indication  of  the 
temper  in  which  Congress  had  assembled,  as 
regarded  our  foreign  relations.  The  nation  was 
exasperated  to  resistance  against  European  en- 
croachments, and  Mr.  Clay  was  regarded  as  the 
champion  of  a  decided,  and,  if  need  should  arise, 
of  a  warlike  policy.  His  occupation  of  the  chair 
precluded  him  from  the  opportunity  of  making 
himself  felt  as  an  orator,  except  when  the  House 
was  in  "Committee  of  the  Whole."  On  such 
occasions,  the  Speaker  leaves  the  chair,  and  ap- 
points a  temporary  chairman  of  the  committee. 

The  intention  of  submitting  questions  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  is  to  allow  greater 
latitude  in  debate.  The  resolutions  and  votes  of 
the  House  in  Committee,  are  not  binding  or  final, 
until  formally  taken  up  in  the  House,  after  the 
rising  of  the  Committee.  Thus,  subjects  are 
discussed  with  more  freedom.  The  Committee 
of  the  Whole  has  been  not  inaptly  termed  a 
"debating  club;"  and  perhaps  that  is  its  best 
designation. 

President  Madison's  Message,  on  the  opening 


HENRY    CLAY.  87 

of  Congress,  recommended  placing  the  country  in 
an  attitude  of  defence  and  resistance  to  the  ag- 
gressions of  European  powers,  to  which  we  have 
frequently  referred  in  these  pages.  The  conduct 
of  Great  Britain  was  particularly  oppressive.  In 
enforcing  her  claim  to  the  right  of  search  for  her 
own  subjects,  her  cruisers  impressed  seamen  from 
American  vessels  to  the  number  of  several  thou- 
sands. How  many  of  these  were  really  British 
subjects,  and  what  proportion  were  natives  of 
America,  cannot  be  precisely  stated ;  but  it  was 
urged  by  Americans  that  all,  whether  native  or 
adopted  citizens,  who  sailed  under  the  American 
flag,  were  entitled  to  its  protection.  Impressment, 
and  compulsory  service  in  a  man-of-war,  is  hard 
enough  for  those  who  acknowledge  the  sovereignty 
of  a  government  which  pursues  such  an  oppres- 
sive policy;  but  when  natives  of  another  country, 
or  those  who  have  elected  that  other  country  for 
their  future  allegiance,  are  forcibly  seized,  such 
an  outrage  merits  the  appellation  of  "  man-steal- 
ing," which  was  freely  applied  to  it. 

Another  grievance  was  the  proclamation  by 
Great  Britain,  that  all  the  ports  of  France  were 
in  a  state  of  blockade,  and  the  seizure  of  Ameri- 
can vessels,  any  where  upon  the   ocean,  which 


88  LIFE    OF 

were  bound  to  French  ports.  A  blockade,  to  be 
legal,  must  have  a  sufficient  force  to  maintain  it; 
a  force  stationed  off  the  blockaded  port,  to  arrest 
the  vessels  entering;  but  when  the  blockade  is 
merely  a  proclamation,  and  vessels  are  seized 
wherever  found,  the  act  becomes  one  of  war  upon 
neutral  powers. 

Such  were  the  leading  causes  of  complaint 
against  Great  Britain.  From  similar  acts  of 
injustice,  France  was  by  no  means  free.  The 
French  Government  interrupted  our  commerce 
nearly  to  as  great  an  extent  as  Great  Britain, 
only  that  France  did  not  impress  our  seamen; 
and  this  violation  of  the  personal  rights  and 
liberties  of  American  citizens,  was  the  popular 
ground  of  enmity  to  Great  Britain.  It  excited 
a  determination  to  resist;  and  it  opened  a  path  for 
young  politicians  to  popular  support  and  sym- 
pathy. Henry  Clay  was  one  of  the  acknowledged 
leaders  of  "Young  America"  at  this  period,  and 
as  such  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  and  placed  in 
the  Speaker's  chair  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. He  was  impetuous  and  daring  —  and  in 
his  early  days  carried  his  measures  with  a  will  as 
strong  as  his  words  were  eloquent. 

The  Speaker  has  the  appointment  of  standing 


HENRY    CLAY.  89 

committees;  and  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations,  appointed  by  Mr.  Clay,  early  reported. 
The  report  represented  that  France  had  practi- 
cally desisted  from  her  encroachments  on  Ameri- 
can commerce,  while  Great  Britain  still  adhered 
to  her  oppressive  course,  and  the  Committee 
concluded  with  a  series  of  appropriate  resolutions. 
These  recommended  the  increase  of  the  regular 
army,  the  fitting  out  of  all  the  national  vessels, 
the  acceptance  of  the  services  of  volunteers,  and 
permission  to  merchant  vessels  to  arm  in  their 
own  defence.  All  these  resolutions  were  carried 
by  large  majorities,  but  not  without  warm  debate. 
The  minority  —  at  the  head  of  whom  stood  the 
able,  though  eccentric,  John  Randolph  of  Roa- 
noke—  combated  these  measures  at  every  stage ; 
but,  contrary  to  custom  and  precedent,  the  report 
was  not  taken  up  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
and  Mr.  Clay  had  therefore  no  opportunity  to 
speak  upon  the  subject,  when  it  was  first  pre- 
sented to  the  House. 

But  while  these  resolutions  were  debated  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  Senate  had  been 
more  practically  prompt.  They  had  already 
passed  bills  for  largely  increasing  the  regular 
army,   even    beyond    what    the    administration 


90  LIFE     OF 

desired.  When  the  Senate  bill,  for  the  increase 
of  the  army,  came  to  the  House  and  was  taken 
up  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  Mr.  Clay  improved 
the  opportunity,  not  before  accorded  him,  to 
speak  upon  the  subject.  He  commenced  his 
remarks  by  stating  that  he  should  not  complain 
of  the  course  of  proceeding  which  had  been 
adopted,  except  for  its  effect  in  preventing  him 
from  participating  in  the  debate,  and  assuming 
his  share  in  the  responsibility  for  the  measures 
which  the  exigency  of  the  times,  in  his  opinion, 
demanded. 

Mr.  Clay  urged  the  raising  of  a  large  army, 
and  reasoned  that  upon  the  mere  consideration 
of  economy,  a  large  and  effective  force  was  the 
best.  "  I  do  not  stand,"  he  said,  "  on  this  floor 
as  the  advocate  of  standing  armies  in  the  time  of 
peace  ;  but  when  war  becomes  essential,  I  am  the 
advocate  of  raising  able  and  vigorous  armies  to 
insure  its  success."  Against  the  danger  of  the 
domination  of  a  standing  army  over  the  liberties 
of  the  people,  he  opposed  their  general  political 
information,  and  the  fact  of  the  existence  of  a 
powerful  militia,  "  ready  to  point  their  bayonets 
to  the  breast  of  any  tyrant  who  may  attempt  to 
crush  their  freedom."    And  in  reply  to  those  who 


hi:nry   clay.  91 

feared  the  danger  of  invasion,  Mr.  Clay  said : 
"  Paris  was  taken,  and  all  France  consequently 
subjugated.  London  might  be  subdued,  and 
England  would  fall  before  the  conqueror.  But 
the  population  and  strength  of  this  country  are 
concentrated  in  no  one  place.  Philadelphia  may 
be  invaded  —  New  York  or  Boston  may  fall — ■ 
every  sea-port  may  be  taken,  but  the  country  will 
remain  free.  The  whole  of  our  territory  this  side 
of  the  Alleghanies  may  be  invaded,  still  liberty 
will  not  be  subdued.  *  *  *  The  national 
government ;  one  or  more  of  the  state  sovereign- 
ties, may  be  annihilated — the  country  will  yet  be 
safe." 

Such  was  Mr.  Clay's  earnestness  and  ardor  in 
the  war  cause.  His  expressions  seem  to  us,  at 
this  distance  of  time,  like  hyperbole ;  and  his 
contempt  for  all  the  dangers  of  war,  like  extra- 
vagance. As  we  have  before  remarked,  he  was 
the  representative  of  the  young  men,  who  proba- 
bly desired  to  emulate  the  course  of  their  elders, 
who  were  enjoying,  in  old  age,  the  dignity  won 
by  service  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution,  and  the 
troublesome  times  which  followed.  These  same 
old  men  were  not  yet  out  of  the  national  councils, 
and  their  cautious  policy,  had  it  been  followed, 


92  LIFE    OF 

would  not  have  precipitated  war,  though  the^ 
might  have  been  driven  to  it  at  last,  after  even 
longer  delay.  They  knew  the  dangers  and  diffi- 
culties of  a  state  of  warfare,  and  the  high  price 
at  which  whatever  is  won  by  war  is  purchased. 
"Young  America"  took  the  direction  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  old  statesman ;  for  even  President 
Madison  never  heartily  sympathised  with  the 
zeal  of  the  younger  and  more  enthusiastic  mem- 
bers of  the  war  party. 

Mr.  Clay  himself,  after  the  experience  obtained 
during  the  war  he  had  so  zealously  supported, 
spake  in  a  tone  which  contrasts  strongly  with  the 
sentiments  which  we  have  quoted  above.  In 
1811,  he  argued  that  although  nothing  were  left 
of  the  national  government,  still  "the  country 
would  be  safe."  In  1818,  he  said  "it  is  not  every 
cause  of  war  which  should  lead  to  war.  War  is 
one  of  those  dreadful  scourges  that  so  shakes  the 
foundations  of  society,  overturns  or  changes  the 
characters  of  governments,  interrupts  or  destroys 
the  pursuit  of  private  happiness,  brings,  in  short, 
misery  and  wretchedness  in  so  many  forms,  and 
at  last  is  in  its  issue  so  doubtful  and  hazardous, 
that  nothing  but  dire  necessity  can  justify  an 
appeal  to  arms."     Experience  teaches  —  and  that 


HENRY     CLAY.  93 

course  is  ever  safest  which,  though  impelled  by  the 
activity  of  youthful  and  ardent  actors,  like  Mr. 
Clay  in  1811,  is  guided  and  moderated  by  older 
men,  whose  monitor  is  memory  of  the  past. 

Much  of  the  warmth  and  extravagance  of 
public  speeches  are  attributable  to  the  excitement 
of  debate.  Under  its  influence,  men  say  more 
than  they  intend ;  more  than,  under  circum- 
stances favorable  to  calm  reflection,  they  could 
utter.  The  terror  of  the  advocates  of  a  war  with 
Great  Britain  was,  at  this  time,  John  Randolph 
of  Roanoke.  Mr.  Randolph  was  not  a  member 
of  the  Federal  party,  for  in  that  case  his  attacks 
would  have  been  less  feared.  He  claimed  to 
belong  to  the  democratic  side  of  the  House,  and 
as  the  war  was  a  democratic  measure,  his  resist- 
ance had  a  double  weight.  Mr.  Randolph's  style 
of  oratory  —  discursive  yet  pointed  —  sarcastic, 
severe,  and  full  of  caustic  wit,  made  him  the 
most  dangerous  opponent  that  party  or  individual 
could  have  to  deal  with.  It  is  said  that  Mr.  Clay 
owed  his  election  as  Speaker  to  the  hope  that  his 
known  fearlessness  and  dignity  of  character  might 
hold  Randolph  in  check. 

Mr.  Randolph  had  been,  in  1811,  eleven  years 
in   the    House    of    Representatives.      His    first 


94  LIFE     OF 

utterance  there  was  characteristic.  On  account 
of  Ills  extremely  youthful  appearance,  the 
Speaker  said  to  him,  as  he  presented  himself  to 
take  the  oath  of  office,  "Are  you  old  enough,  sir, 
to  be  eligible?"  "Ask  my  constituents,"  was  the 
only  answer  that  Randolph  designed  to  make  to 
this  inquiry.  Mr.  Randolph's  secession  from  the 
regular  democratic  ranks  occurred  during  Jeffer- 
son's administration.  He  voted  against  a  resolu- 
tion which  was  introduced  to  cease  importation 
from  Great  Britain.  Through  Madison's  adminis- 
tration, he  strenuously  opposed  the  war  measures, 
and  all  that  tended  to  strengthen  army  or  navy, 
or  to  give  the  nation  a  military  character ;  and  in 
opposition  to  the  measures  now  directly  before 
the  House,  Mr.  Randolph  had  made  one  of  his 
most  effective  speeches.  To  him,  as  well  as 
others,  Mr.  Clay  was  replying ;  and  as  they  had 
dwelt  much  upon  the  power,  and  extolled  the 
national  character  of  Great  Britain,  he  took  the 
opposite  side  with  a  natural,  though  excessive 
warmth. 

The  bill  under  discussion  passed  the  House  by  a 
large  majority — ninety-four  to  thirty-four.  Next 
in  order  came  provisions  for  a  Navy,  the  account 
of  which  we  reserve  for  another  chapter. 


HENRY    CLAY.  95 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE  NAVY  UNDER  JEFFERSON  —  TIMID  PROJECT  OF  MR. 
MADISON'S  CABINET  —  REMONSTRANCES  OF  NAVAL  OFFI- 
CERS —  BILL  TO  INCREASE  THE  NAVY  —  SPEECH  OF  MR. 
CLAY — NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812. 

The  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  decidedly 
against  a  navy.  When  he  came  into  office,  in 
1801,  he  found  a  law  enacted  by  the  Congress 
which  expired  as  his  term  commenced,  which  law 
was  designed  to  put  the  Navy  on  a  peace  establish- 
ment. This  act  empowered  the  President  to  sell 
any  or  all  of  the  vessels  of  the  Navy,  with  the 
exception  of  thirteen  of  the  frigates.  But  the 
design  of  the  law  was  not  to  extinguish  or  pre- 
vent the  increase  of  the  navy.  By  the  same  act, 
$500,000  (half  a  million)  annually,  were  appro- 
priated, toward  the  completion  of  six  seventy- 
four-gun  ships,  authorised  in  1798. 

Under  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  all  the 
vessels  in  the  navy,  except  the  thirteen  frigates, 
and  one  small  cruiser  of  twelve  guns,  were  sold. 


96  LIFE    OF 

The  appropriation  for  the  seventy-fours  was  dis- 
continued, and  the  timber  collected  for  them  was 
cut  up  to  build  gun-boats.  The  loss  from  the 
navy  of  the  vessels  sold  was  not  much  to  be 
regretted,  as  they  were  mostly  of  imperfect 
frames,  or  poor  models;  but  they  should  certainly 
have  been  replaced  by  something  better  than 
gun-boats.  The  whole  number  sold  was  twenty, 
carrying  from  twelve  to  twenty-four  guns  each, 
and  nine  galleys. 

From  1801  to  1811,  not  a  frigate  was  added  to 
the  navy.  Of  the  thirteen  in  existence  in  1801, 
one — the  Philadelphia — had  been  destroyed,  and 
three  had  fallen  into  decay,  leaving  nine  only. 
One  hundred  and  seventy  gun-boats  had  been 
built,  and  nine  small  vessels  added,  carrying  from 
twelve  to  eighteen  guns.  The  impression  was 
prevalent,  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep  a  navy 
at  sea  in  the  face  of  the  overwhelming  force  of 
Great  Britain,  which  embraced  not  less  than  a 
thousand  sail.  A  project  was  actually  entertained 
by  the  President  to  lay  up  in  ordinary  the  few 
vessels  which  the  United  States  possessed,  to  keep 
them  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ! 
This  policy  had  been  determined  on,  but  was 
changed  by  the  efforts  of  two  officers  of  the  navy. 


HENRY    CLAY.  97 

Captains  Bainbridge  and  Stewart,  happening  to 
be  at  the  seat  of  government,  were  shown  copies 
of  orders  to  Commodore  Rodgers,  not  to  leave 
New  York,  but  to  keep  the  vessels  under  his 
command  in  port,  to  form  part  of  its  harbor 
defence.  They  obtained  an  audience  of  Presi- 
dent Madison,  and  convinced  him  of  the  impolicy 
and  of  the  ruinous  effect  of  such  a  course.  Still  the 
Cabinet,  the  President's  constitutional  advisers, 
adhered  to  their  opinion.  The  two  naval  officers 
then  addressed  a  letter  to  the  President,  who, 
after  reading  their  arguments,  took  upon  himself 
to  change  the  plan.  It  is  said  that  some  members 
of  the  Cabinet  consoled  themselves  with  the 
reflection  that  if  the  vessels  ventured  out  they 
would  soon  be  taken ;  the  administration  would 
be  saved  the  expense  and  trouble  of  maintaining 
them,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  devote  all  its  care 
to  the  army.*  So  little  do  nations,  as  well  as 
individuals,  understand  their  true  strength ! 

A  bill  was  reported  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, in  the  spring  of  1812,  providing  for 
ten  new  frigates,  and  a  dock  for  repairs.  The 
members  of  the  Naval  Committee,  by  whom  the 
bill  was  reported,  hinted  in  their  speeches  at  a 

*  Cooper's  Naval  History. 

9 


98  LIFE    OF 

much  larger  force  than  this.  But  there  was  a 
very  determined  opposition  to  the  support  of  a 
navy  ;  a  subject  upon  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
even  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  hesitated. 
Henry  Clay  raised  his  strong  voice  in  defence  of 
the  naval  arm.  We  make  some  extracts  from  his 
speech  : 

"It  appeared  to  Mr.  Clay  a  little  extraordinary 
that  so  much,  as  it  seemed  to  him  unreasonable 
jealousy  should  exist  against  the  naval  establish* 
ment.  If,"  said  he,  "  we  look  back  to  the  period 
of  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  it  will  be 
found  that  no  such  jealousy  was  then  excited. 
In  placing  the  physical  force  of  the  nation  at  the 
disposal  of  Congress,  the  convention  manifested 
much  greater  apprehension  of  abuse  in  the  power 
given  to  raise  armies  than  in  that  to  provide  a 
navy.  In  reference  to  the  navy,  Congress  is  put 
under  no  restrictions;  but  with  respect  to  the 
army  —  that  description  of  force  which  has  been 
so  often  employed  to  subvert  the  liberties  of 
mankind  —  they  are  subjected  to  limitations 
designed  to  prevent  the  abuse  of  this  dangerous 
power.  But  it  was  not  his  intention  to  detain 
the  Committee,  by  a  discussion  on  the  compara- 
tive utility  and  safety  of  these  two  kinds  of  force. 


HENRY    CLAY.  99 

He  would,  however,  be  indulged  in  saying,  that 
he  thought  gentlemen  had  wholly  failed  in  main- 
taining the  position  they  had  assumed,  that  the 
fall  of  maritime  powers  was  attributable  to  their 
navies.  They  have  told  you  that  Carthage, 
Genoa,  and  Venice,  and  other  nations,  had  navies 
and  notwithstanding  were  finally  destroyed.  But 
have  they  shown,  by  a  train  of  argument,  that 
their  overthrow  was  in  any  degree  attributable  to 
their  maritime  greatness?  Have  they  attempted, 
even,  to  show  that  there  exists,  in  the  nature  of 
this  power,  a  necessary  tendency  to  destroy  the 
nation  using  it?  Assertion  is  substituted  for 
argument;  inferences  not  authorised  by  historical 
facts  are  arbitrarily  drawn ;  things  unconnected 
with  each  other  are  associated  together ; — a  very 
logical  mode  of  reasoning,  it  must  be  admitted ! 
In  the  same  way,  he  could  demonstrate  how  idle 
and  absurd  our  attachments  are  to  freedom  itself. 
He  might  say,  for  instance,  that  Greece  and  Rome 
had  forms  of  free  government,  and  that  they  no 
longer  exist ;  and,  deducing  their  fall  from  their 
devotion  to  liberty,  the  conclusion  in  favor  of 
despotism  would  very  satisfactorily  follow !  He 
demanded  what  there  is  in  the  nature  and  con- 
struction of  maritime  power,  to  excite  the  fears 


100  LIFE    OF 

that  have  been  indulged?  Do  gentlemen  really 
apprehend,  that  a  body  of  seamen  will  abandon 
their  proper  element,  and  placing  themselves 
under  an  aspiring  chief,  will  erect  a  throne  to  his 
ambition  ?  Will  they  deign  to  listen  to  the  voice 
of  history,  and  learn  how  chimerical  are  these 
apprehensions?"  Mr.  Clay  did  not  conceive  it 
practicable  to  create  a  fleet  which  could  cope  with 
Great  Britain ;  but  he  did  think  it  within  the 
power  of  the  nation  to  provide  a  naval  force 
adequate  to  protect  our  harbors,  coasting  trade, 
and  inland  navigation.  He  argued  the  necessity 
of  a  maritime  power,  from  the  necessity  of  com- 
merce to  a  nation's  greatness.  "  But,"  he  said, 
"from  the  arguments  of  gentlemen,  it  would 
seem  to  be  questioned  if  foreign  commerce  is 
worth  the  kind  of  protection  insisted  upon.  What 
is  this  foreign  commerce  which  has  become  sud- 
denly  so  inconsiderable?  It  has,  with  very 
trifling  aid  from  other  sources,  defrayed  the  ex- 
penses of  government  ever  since  the  adoption  of 
the  present  constitution;  maintained  an  expen- 
sive and  successful  war  with  the  Indians ;  a  war 
with  the  Barbary  powers;  a  quasi  war  with 
France;  sustained  the  charges  of  suppressing  two 
insurrections,  and  extinguished  upwards  of  forty- 


HENRY    CLAY.  101 

six  millions  of  the  public  debt.  In  revenue,  it 
has,  since  the  year  1789,  yielded  one  hundred 
and  ninety-one  millions  of  dollars.  During  the 
first  four  years  after  the  commencement  of  the 
present  government,  the  revenue  averaged  only 
about  two  millions  annually,  or  became  equivalent 
to  a  capital  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of 
dollars,  at  an  interest  of  six  per  centum  per 
annum.  And  if  our  commerce  be  re-established, 
it  will,  in  the  course  of  time,  net  a  sum  for  which 
we  are  scarcely  furnished  with  figures  in  arith- 
metic. Taking  the  average  of  the  last  nine  years 
(comprehending,  of  course,  the  season  of  the 
embargo,)  our  exports  average  upward  of  thirty- 
seven  millions  of  dollars,  which  is  equivalent  to 
a  capital  of  more  than  six  hundred  millions  of 
dollars  at  six  per  centum  interest ;  all  of  which 
must  be  lost  in  the  event  of  a  destruction  of 
foreign  commerce.  In  the  abandonment  of  that 
commerce  is  also  involved  the  sacrifice  of  our 
brave  tars,  who  have  engaged  in  the  pursuit  from 
which  they  derive  subsistence  and  support,  under 
the  confidence  that  government  would  afford 
them  that  just  protection  which  is  due  to  all. 
They  vail  be  driven  into  foreign  employment,  fo» 

9* 


102  LIFE    OF 

it  is  vain  to  expect  that  they  will  renounce  their 
habits  of  life." 

As  a  verification  of  Mr.  Clay's  predictions,  we 
may  remark  that  the  exports  of  the  country, 
embracing  domestic  products  only,  now  exceed 
one  hundred  millions  annually;  and  if  we  include 
the  foreign  articles  re-shipped,  the  amount  will 
be  increased  some  twenty-five  millions  more. 
The  valuable  coasting  and  internal  trade  of  the 
United  States,  especially  since  the  acquisition  of 
California,  is  another  vast  source  of  business  and 
employment  for  our  mariners  and  others  con- 
nected with  the  shipping  and  transportation 
interests.  The  number  of  vessels  built  annually 
is  nearly  two  thousand,  about  one-fifth  of  which 
are  steam-boats,  and  another  fifth  vessels  of  the 
larger  classes.  This  annual  supply  is  more  than 
the  whole  loss  during  the  war  of  1812,  by  capture 
or  otherwise.  The  character  of  the  American 
mercantile  marine  is  now  second  to  none  in  the 
world.  Vessels  under  the  American  flag  success- 
fully compete  with  British  ships  in  her  own 
carrying  trade  between  the  mother  country  and 
her  distant  possessions.  The  flag  of  the  United 
States  is  seen  upon  every  sea,  and  is  everywhere 
respected.     Mr.  Clay  mentioned  as  a  remarkable 


HENRY     CLAY,  103 

fact,  in  the  speech  above  quoted,  that  an  Ameri- 
can vessel  had  arrived  at  Leghorn  from  Pitts- 
burgh. It  is  frequently  the  case  now  that  ships 
depart  from  cities  still  farther  inland  upon  our 
great  rivers;  but  it  is  proper  to  remark  that  they 
do  not  return  to  the  place  of  their  first  clearance. 
They  can  descend  these  rivers,  but  not  ascend 
them ;  and  the  purpose  of  economy  is  served,  in 
the  first  instance,  by  launching  them  where  the 
timber  for  their  frames  can  be  most  easily  pro- 
cured. 

The  number  of  vessels  in  the  United  States' 
Navy  now,  is  still  less  than  one  hundred,  includ- 
ing ten  seventy-four-gun  ships,  and  twenty-five 
frigates.  The  steam  arm  of  the  service,  which 
has  come  into  use  since  the  war  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, is  now  rapidly  increasing.  The  annual 
expense  of  the  naval  service  averages  about 
seven  millions,  including  the  mail  service  between 
this  country  and  Great  Britain. 

During  the  war  of  1812,  the  gallant  little  navy 
of  the  United  States  won  a  distinction  which 
placed  our  country  among  the  chief  naval  powers, 
and  demonstrated  that  the  nautical  skill  of  the 
British  seamen  has  not  deteriorated  by  being 
transferred  to  a  new  country.     "  Brother  Jona- 


104  LIFE     OF 

than"  has  proved  worthy  of  his  parentage.  We 
have  not  space,  nor  would  it  be  in  keeping  with 
our  purpose,  to  enter  into  war  details,  by  land  or 
sea.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  captures  by  the 
United  States'  Navy  and  privateers  amounted, 
during  the  war,  to  seventeen  hundred  and  fifty, 
leaving  out  of  the  count  the  vessels  which  were 
re-captured.  The  British  Navy  captured  of 
American  vessels,  including  gun-boats,  sixteen 
hundred  and  eighty-three.  The  United  States 
came  out  of  the  war  with  a  naval  reputation 
which  they  have  never  lost.  Since  that  date, 
the  services  rendered  to  commerce  and  science 
by  explorations  and  surveys,  have  more  than 
justified  the  friends  of  the  navy  in  their  defence 
of  its  establishment  and  support. 

We  need  hardly  state  that  the  bill  which  Mr. 
Clay  advocated  was  passed,  and  proved  the  com- 
mencement of  a  more  liberal  policy  toward  the 
navy  than  had  hitherto  prevailed  in  the  party 
with  which  he  acted.  The  small  appropriation 
($500,000  in  all)  which  the  bill  provided,  was 
followed  by  more  and  larger  grants.  Experience 
has  shown  that  the  young  statesman's  predictions 
relative  to  the  importance  and  value  of  commerce 
to  the  nation,  were  rather  within  than  beyond 
the  truth. 


HENRY    CLA.Y.  105 


CHAPTER  X. 

HENRY'S  EMBASSY  —  DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 

There  were  some  indications  of  an  intention  in 
the  Cabinet  to  take  a  step  which  would  have 
given  Henry  Clay  a  place  among  the  military 
heroes  of  his  country.  It  is  a  historical  fact  that 
the  moderation,  prudence,  or  hesitancy  of  Mr. 
Madison's  character,  delayed  positive  action  until 
urged  by  the  Congressional  war-party,  and  of  this 
the  soul  was  Henry  Clay.  Forty  years  have 
produced  such  a  change  in  the  public  sentiment 
in  relation  to  war  and  its  evils,  that  it  is  hard  to 
try  the  friends  of  the  war  of  1812  by  our  present 
standard  of  opinion.  Yet  we  have  seen,  in  a 
recent  case,  war  produced  on  much  less  pressing 
occasion  than  that  of  1812  —  if  indeed  there  was 
any  pressing  occasion  for  the  late  war  with 
Mexico.  There  was  everything  to  irritate  the 
popular  mind  against  Great  Britain ;  and  not  the 
least  grievance  was  the  despatching  an  emissary 


106  LIFE    OF 

into  New  England,  to  labor  to  produce  disunion, 
or  neutrality.  It  is  true  that  this  agent  does  not 
seem  to  have  reached  the  ear  of  any  responsible 
party,  or  to  have  produced  any  impression ;  and 
his  haunts  while  in  Boston  exhibited  him  as  a 
person  of  moral  associations  as  low  as  his  political 
employment  was  disgraceful.  And  it  is  true  also 
that  the  British  Government  subsequently  disa- 
vowed having  given  authority  for  his  proceedings, 
though  his  employment  by  a  colonial  governor 
was  certainly  a  fact.  The  truth  respecting  him 
appears  to  be,  that  he  was  a  man  with  a  natural 
proclivity  for  dirty  work ;  and  that  he  suggested 
and  procured  the  employment,  which  resulted  in 
nothing  but  furnishing  new  cause  of  exaspera- 
tion to  the  American  people.  He  concluded  by 
selling  his  correspondence  with  the  colonial 
authorities  and  the  British  Ministry,  to  the 
American  Government. 

This  correspondence  was  transmitted  to  Con- 
gress. There  was  nothing  incredible  in  the 
statement  that  Great  Britain  was  prepared  to 
take  advantage  of  any  difficulty  among  the  states 
preparing  for  war  against  her,  or  to  create,  if 
possible,  a  difficulty  where  none  existed.  It 
would  be  a  part  of  that  diplomatic  strategy  which 


HENRY    CLAY.  107 

nations  striving  to  injure  each  other,  or  to  defend 
themselves,  often  practise. 

The  next  prominent  event  in  order  of  time,  is 
the  second  embargo,  as  it  was  termed,  the  first 
having  occurred  during  Jefferson's  administration. 
Mr.  Randolph  and  others  strenuously  opposed  — 
Mr.  Clay  earnestly  defended  it,  and  predicted  that 
war  would  take  place  in  sixty  days.  In  enume- 
rating the  causes  of  offence  which  Great  Britain 
had  furnished,  Mr.  Clay  referred  to  the  mission 
of  Henry  as  that  of  "an  emissaiy,  sent  to  one  of 
our  principal  cities  to  excite  civil  war."  The 
Embargo  Act,  prepared  by  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations  before  the  President's  Message 
was  received,  and  reported  almost  simultaneously, 
was  carried  through  the  House,  seventy  to  forty- 
one,  in  secret  session  on  the  same  day.  It  passed 
the  Senate  on  the  next  day,  with  an  amendment 
lengthening  the  time  of  the  embargo  from  sixty 
to  ninety  days,  which  amendment  was  concurred 
in.  The  bill  —  declared  emphatically  by  its 
framers  to  be  a  war  measure  —  thus  became  a 
law. 

On  the  1st  of  June,  1812,  the  President  trans- 
mitted confidentially  to  Congress  a  Message,  in 
which  he  recapitulated  the  oppressive,  unfriendly, 


108  LIFE    OF 

and  unjust  proceedings  of  Great  Britain,  and 
presented  the  two  nations  as  in  a  peculiar  atti- 
tude—  war  against  the  United  States,  so  far  as 
Great  Britain  was  concerned,  and  peace  toward 
Great  Britain,  so  far  as  the  United  States  was 
considered ;  and  he  submitted  the  choice  of  fur- 
ther endurance,  or  of  warlike  resistance,  to  Con- 
gress, as  "  a  solemn  question  which  the  Constitu- 
tion wisely  confides  to  the  legislative  department 
of  the  government." 

The  Message  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations,  and  in  two  days  thereafter, 
John  C.  Calhoun,  the  chairman,  reported  a  bill 
declaring  war  against  Great  Britain.  It  was 
passed,  seventy-nine  to  forty-nine.  No  speeches 
are  recorded,  and  the  only  efforts  made  by  the 
opposition,  were  by  ineffectual  motions  intended 
to  defeat  or  delay,  which  were  at  once  voted 
down.  Though  so  summarily  passed  by  the 
House,  the  Senate  held  the  bill  two  weeks  with 
closed  doors.  On  the  18th  of  June,  it  was  re- 
turned to  the  House  with  an  amendment  author- 
ising the  issue  of  commissions  to  privateers.  On 
the  same  day,  the  amendment  was  concurred  in 
by  the  House,  the  bill  was  passed,  and  received 
the  President's  approval ;  and  on  the  next  day 


HENRY     CLAY.  109 

was  issued  the  President's  Proclamation  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  Act. 

Thus  in  sixty  days — with  a  few  days'  grace  for 
Senatorial  delays — -was  Mr.  Clay's  prediction 
verified,  and  the  country  was  at  war  with  Great 
Britain.  The  simultaneous  preparation  of  the 
Embargo  Act  and  Message  of  the  President  — 
both  done  out  of  the  House,  the  latter  of  course 
—  and  the  wonderful  celerity  with  which  the 
House  acted  on  the  War  Message,  argue  a  closer 
connection  between  the  Executive  and  his  friends 
in  Congress,  than  more  modern  usage  permits. 
But  the  history  of  the  times  shows  that  several 
members  of  the  House,  at  the  head  of  whom  was 
Henry  Clay,  had  nearly  as  much  voice  in  the 
President's  councils,  as  his  Cabinet  proper.  Presi- 
dential messages  followed  Congressional  conclaves 
with  the  Executive ;  and  the  message  recom- 
mending or  suggesting  war,  was  preceded  by  a 
conference  with  Mr.  Clay  and  others,  the  subject 
of  which  was,  at  the  time,  no  secret.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  Mr.  Clay  was  as  active  in  procuring 
war  measures,  as  he  was  energetic  in  defending 
them,  and  patriotic  in  his  efforts  to  maintain  the 
cause  of  his  country.     His  zealous  eloquence,  in 

10 


110  LIFE    OF 

Kentucky,  added  to  the  zeal  and  fire  of  the  citi- 
zens of  that  warlike  State. 

It  is  related  of  Demosthenes,  that  courageous 
as  he  was  in  his  orations  against  the  enemies  of 
Athens,  in  the  field  his  valor  failed  him,  and  he 
fled.  We  cannot  suppose  that  Henry  Clay  would 
have  resembled  the  Athenian  in  this  particular, 
though  no  modern  orator  has  more  nearly  ap- 
proached the  father  of  eloquence  in  power  of 
persuasion,  and  command  of  the  minds  and 
actions  of  others.  Mr.  Madison  proposed,  as 
hinted  at  the  commencement  of  this  chapter,  to 
nominate  Mr.  Clay  to  the  Senate  a  Major-General, 
when  making  the  new  appointments  upon  the 
increase  of  the  army.  We  can  now  only  specu- 
late on  the  probabilities  of  Mr.  Clay's  fitness  or 
unfitness ;  but  so  far  as  patriotism  and  courage 
go  to  make  up  the  qualifications  of  a  military 
officer,  there  can  be  little  doubt  of  his  fitness. 
His  laurels  have,  however,  been  won  in  a  more 
peaceful  field ;  and  the  services  he  has  rendered 
to  his  country  are  of  a  nature  for  which  expe- 
rience has  proved  him  eminently  fitted ;  for  his 
best  fame  rests  on  his  course  since  the  war. 

As  we  have  already  said,  he  was  the  soul  of 
the  war-party,  his  ardent  and  impetuous  charac- 


HENRY    CLAY.  Ill 

ter  communicating  zeal  and  hope,  when  a  more 
cautious  man  would  have  failed.  It  was  a  fearful 
crisis  in  the  history  of  our  country,  when  the  fire 
of  youth  prevailed  over  the  caution  of  age,  and 
a  nation  lamentably  deficient  in  means  and  in 
preparation,  was  thrust  into  a  contest  with  the 
most  powerful  nation  on  the  globe.  If  ever  wars 
are  necessary,  the  strongest  plea  existed  for  this 
war;  and  if  any  man,  more  than  another,  merits 
the  reputation  of  procuring  its  declaration,  that 
credit  is  due  to  Henry  Clay. 

His  most  effective  and  eloquent  war-speech  was 
on  the  question  of  increasing  the  army,  in  the 
session  of  1812-13.  We  cannot  make  extracts 
without  the  quotation  of  passages  perpetuating 
old  subjects  of  bitterness,  and  reviving  charges 
against  American  statesmen  and  parties ;  — 
charges  then  received  in  the  heat  of  party  acri- 
mony, but  now  forgotten.  We  therefore  here 
close  the  narrative  of  Mr.  Clay's  connection,  as  a 
legislator,  with  the  war  of  1812. 


112  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MR.     CLAY    APPOINTED     PEACE    COMMISSIONER  —  RETORT 
COURTEOUS — BRITISH  DEMANDS — LONG  NEGOTIATION — 

THE     TREATY REJOICINGS    AND      COMPLAINTS THE 

LONDON  TIMES  —  MR.  CLAY'S   SPEECH  IN  LEXINGTON  — 
ANECDOTE. 

In  the  year  1813,  the  good  offices  of  Russia 
were  tendered  as  mediator  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  The  President  ap- 
pointed Gallatin  and  Bayard  to  act  jointly  with 
J.  Q.  Adams,  the  American  Minister  at  St. 
Petersburgh,  in  conducting  this  negotiation  ;  and 
those  gentlemen  sailed  for  Europe  in  a  private 
vessel,  protected  by  a  "  cartel,"  or  letter  of  pro- 
tection from  the  British  admiral.  But  the 
British  Government  declined  the  mediation  of 
Russia,  and  offered  to  treat  directly  with  the 
American  Commissioners  in  London;  or,  if  that 
were  not  agreeable,  in  Gottenburgh.  The  Presi- 
dent appointed  Adams,  Bayard,  Henry  Clay,  and 
Jonathan  Russel,  the  Commissioners  under  this 


HENRY     CLAY.  113 

proposition,  and  afterwards  added  Gallatin  to  the 
number,  making  five;  and  the  place  of  meeting 
was  changed  from  Gotten  burgh  to  Ghent. 

Mr.  Clay  took  leave  of  the  House  January 
19th,  1814,  resigning  his  seat,  and  receiving  a 
vote  of  thanks  nearly  unanimous;  nine  only 
voting  in  the  negative,  out  of  123  votes  cast. 
Having  presided  in  such  difficult  times,  when 
party  feeling  ran  so  very  high,  so  general  an  ex- 
pression of  good  will  is  a  highly  honorable  testi- 
mony to  the  impartiality  of  Mr.  Clay.  Messrs. 
Clay  and  Russel  sailed  in  February,  in  the  U.  S. 
ship  John  Adams,  carrying  the  protection  of  a 
cartel.  The  American  Commissioners  in  due 
time  assembled  at  Ghent,  but  the  British  Com- 
missioners did  not  meet  them  there  until  August. 
The  treaty  was  not  signed  until  the  24th  of 
December,  1814.  Much  time  was  spent  in 
negotiation,  and  much  firmness  was  necessary  to 
resist  the  enormous  demands  of  the  British  Com- 
missioners. Flushed  with  their  victory  over 
Napoleon,  they  came  into  the  negotiation  pre- 
pared to  dictate  terms,  as  to  a  conquered  people. 

There  is  an  anecdote  of  Mr.  Clay  which 
belongs  in  this  connection,  and  is  too  good  to  be 
lost.     Mr.  Goulburn,  one  of  the  British  Coinmis- 

10* 


114  LIFE     OF 

sioners,  forwarded  to  Mr.  Clay,  at  Brussels,  a 
London  paper  containing  the  official  account  of 
the  burning  of  the  public  buildings  at  Washing- 
ton, by  the  British  forces.  Mr.  Goulburn  made 
an  apology  for  the  disagreeable  nature  of  the 
intelligence,  but  presumed  that  Mr.  Clay  would 
probably  still  desire  to  hear  the  latest  intelligence 
from  America.  It  so  happened  that  the  French 
journals  were  just  re-publishing  the  account  of 
the  British  defeat  on  Lake  Champlain.  Mr. 
Clay  returned  Mr.  Goulburn's  civility  by  enclos- 
ing to  him  a  French  paper  with  that  intelligence, 
accompanied  by  a  similar  apology. 

Of  the  spirit  in  which  the  more  violent  British 
prints  discussed  the  question  of  a  treaty,  some- 
thing may  be  judged  from  the  following  para- 
graphs :  "  It  was  strongly  reported  on  'Change, 
that  it  is  the  fixed  determination  of  our  govern- 
ment [the  British]  not  to  suffer  the  Americans  to 
fish  upon  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and  that 
no  American  vessel  will  be  permitted  to  pass  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope ;  so  that  the  whole  of  the 
China  trade  will  be  taken  from  them."  The 
London  Times  of  May  20,  1814,  had  the  fol- 
lowing : 

"  Bonaparte   is  fallen  —  Madison  is  disgraced 


HENRY    CLAY.  115 

and  discomfited,  and  Great  Britain  has  the  means 
of  inflicting  ample  and  deserved  vengeance.  Lo ! 
the  pupils  of  liberality,  the  philanthropists,  the 
sworn  advocates  of  foreign  perfidy  and  treachery, 
step  forth  and  deprecate  the  very  idea  of  justice, 
or  of  prudent  precaution  against  future  insult. 
But  they  will  no  more  be  listened  to  now,  than 
when  they  so  urgently  pleaded  the  cause  of  the 
monster,  Bonaparte.  It  is  true  that  negotiators 
of  great  respectability  have  been  appointed  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain,  to  meet  the  Genevese 
democrat  Gallatin,  the  furious  orator  Clay,  the 
surly  Bayard,  and  Mr.  Russel,  the  wrorthy 
defender  of  the  forged  revocation  of  the  Berlin 
and  Milan  decree. 

"  We  have,  however,  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  British  diplomatists  will  not  condescend 
to  discuss  the  impudent  nonsense  called  the 
American  doctrine,  about  impressment  and  native 
allegiance,  which  was  in  truth  a  mere  pretext  for 
war  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Madison  ;  but  they  will 
enter  into  the  true  merits  of  the  question  —  the 
unprovoked  and  unprincipled  attack  on  Canada; 
they  will  demand  full  security  against  a  renewal 
of  this  atrocious  outrage ;  they  will  insist  on  the 
safe  and   undivided  possession  of  the  lakes;  the 


116  LIFE    OF 

abandonment  of  the  Newfoundland  fishery ;  and 
the  restitution  of  Louisiana  and  the  usurped 
territory  in  Florida." 

Such  were  the  newspaper  notions  of  what  the 
British  Commissioners  should  demand ;  and  the 
claims  with  which  those  gentlemen  entered  upon 
ihe  negotiation,  were  little  short  of  what  the 
Times  demanded.  The  Commissioners  claimed 
that  the  United  States  should  set  off  a  permanent 
Indian  territory  for  the  British  Indian  allies, 
between  the  United  States  and  Canada;  that  we 
should  dismantle  our  forts,  and  withdraw  our 
vessels  on  the  great  lakes;  and  that  Great  Britain 
should  keep  possession  of  a  portion  of  Maine 
which  she  had  seized,  east  of  the  river  Penobscot. 

The  treaty,  as  signed,  contained  no  concessions 
to  Great  Britain ;  and,  as  in  all  treaties  where 
nations  are  desirous  of  peace,  no  grants  were 
finally  insisted  on  by  either  side.  If  Great 
Britain  did  not,  in  terms,  relinquish  her  political 
claim,  "once  a  subject  always  a  subject,"  neither 
did  the  United  States  admit  it ;  and  the  effect  of 
the  war  has  practically  been  to  abolish  impress- 
ment of  men  on  board  of  American  vessels.  The 
British  lost  the  right  of  navigating  the  Missis. 
Bippi.     The  Americans  lost  that  of  curing  fish  on 


HENRY    CLAY.  117 

the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  The 
fisheries  have  since  been  arranged  by  a  separate 
treaty,  under  which  United  States  vessels  may 
catch  fish,  except  within  three  miles  (a  cannon- 
shot)  of  the  shore;  but  they  cannot  land  them, 
as  formerly,  for  the  purpose  of  dressing  and 
curing.  It  was  proposed,  in  the  discussion,  to 
place  these  privileges  as  they  were  before  the 
war;  but  Mr.  Clay  refused  his  assent,  and  the 
result  proves  his  sagacity.  The  boundaries 
between  the  two  powers,  on  this  continent,  have 
since  been  determined  both  in  Maine,  and  west 
of  the  great  lakes. 

The  people  of  both  countries  were  delighted  at 
the  proclamation  of  peace.  Great  rejoicings  took 
place  in  this  country,  and  in  the  other.  A  sketch 
of  the  terms  on  which  the  treaty  had  been  con- 
cluded, was  read  to  the  audiences  in  the  London 
theatres.  In  the  provincial  towns,  there  were 
great  rejoicings;  particularly  in  those  which  had 
most  intercourse  with  the  United  States.  In  our 
own  country,  the  opponents  of  the  war  insisted 
that  nothing  had  been  gained,  though  the  wiser 
were  satisfied  with  any  peace  rather  than  war. 
But  if  there  were  those  who  insisted  that  the 
Americans  had  gained  nothing,  there  were  othera 


118  LIFE    OF 

in  Great  Britain  who  claimed  no  honor  to  British 
arms  or  negotiation.  The  London  Times  of  the 
30th  December,  1815,  not  having  yet  heard  of 
the  Battle  of  New  Orleans,  said : 

"  We  have  attempted  to  force  our  principles  on 
America,  and  have  failed.  We  have  retired  from 
the  combat  with  the  stripes  yet  bleeding  on  our 
backs — with  the  various  recent  defeats  at  Pitts- 
burgh, and  on  Lake  Champlain,  unavenged.  To 
make  peace  at  such  a  moment,  it  will  be  said, 
betrays  a  deadness  to  the  feelings  of  honor,  and 
shows  a  timidity  of  disposition  inviting  further 
insult.  If  we  could  have  pointed  to  America 
overthrown,  we  should  surely  have  stood  on  much 
higher  ground  at  Vienna,  and  everywhere  else, 
than  we  possibly  can  do  now.  Even  yet,  how- 
ever, if  we  could  but  close  the  war  with  some 
great  naval  triumph,  the  reputation  of  our  mari- 
time greatness  might  be  partially  restored ;  but  to 
say  that  it  has  not  hitherto  suffered  in  the  esti- 
mation of  all  Europe,  and  what  is  worse,  of 
America  herself,  is  to  belie  common  sense  and 
universal  experience.  '  Two  or  three  of  our  ships 
have  struck  to  a  force  vastly  superior.'  No,  not 
two  or  three,  but  many  on  the  ocean,  and  whole 
B<juadrons  on  the  lakes;  and  the  numbers  are  to 


HENRY    CLAY.  119 

be  viewed  with  relation  to  the  comparative  mag- 
nitude of  the  two  navies.  Scarcely  is  there  an 
American  ship  of  war  which  has  not  to  boast  a 
victory  over  the  British  flag;  scarcely  a  British 
ship  in  thirty  or  forty  that  has  beaten  an  Ame- 
rican." 

The  mortified  editor  of  the  Times  had  still  to 
hear  of  the  Battle  of  New  Orleans,  after  the 
above  was  penned.  The  naval  engagements 
which  took  place  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty, 
added  to  the  list  of  American  successes.  The 
treaty  took  effect  on  land  as  soon  as  ratified ;  and 
on  the  ocean  at  certain  specified  times,  to  allow 
opportunity  to  hear  of  the  proclamation  of  peace. 
There  were  three  United  States  vessels  at  sea 
when  peace  was  proclaimed  —  the  Constitution, 
the  Hornet,  and  the  Peacock.  The  Constitution 
captured  the  Cyane  and  Levant,  engaging  both  at 
onoe;  but  afterward  lost  the  Levant  in  a  squadron 
of  British  vessels.  The  Hornet  captured  the 
Penguin,  but  it  became  necessary  to  destroy  her 
prize ;  and  the  Peacock  captured  the  Nautilus, 
but  restored  her  on  the  day  following. 

Mr.  Clay  returned  to  the  United  States  almost 
with  the  honors  of  a  conqueror.  At  no  time  was 
he  more  highly  popular  than  at  the  close  of  the 


120  LIFE    OF 

war;  for  up  to  this  date,  the  acts  of  his  life 
which  partisan  opposition  has  effectively  opposed 
to  him,  had  not  occurred.  As  we  have  presented 
him  to  our  readers  as  the  most  active  supporter 
of  the  war  of  1812,  we  give,  in  justice  to  him, 
his  views  of  its  consequences.  At  a  dinner  in 
Lexington,  Mr.  Clay  replied  to  a  complimentary 
sentiment  in  a  speech,  from  which  the  following 
is  an  extract :  — 

"  I  feel  myself  called  upon,  by  the  sentiment 
just  expressed,  to  return  my  thanks  in  behalf  of 
my  colleagues  and  myself.  I  do  not,  and  I  am 
quite  sure  they  do  not  feel,  that  in  the  service 
alluded  to  they  are  at  all  entitled  to  the  compli- 
ment which  has  been  paid  to  them.  We  could 
not  do  otherwise  than  reject  the  demand  made  by 
the  other  party ;  and  if  our  labors  finally  termi- 
nated in  an  honorable  peace,  it  was  owing  to 
causes  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  not  to 
any  exertion  of  ours.  Whatever  diversity  of 
opinion  may  have  existed  as  to  the  declaration  of 
the  war,  there  are  some  points  on  which  all  may 
look  back  with  proud  satisfaction.  The  first 
relates  to  the  time  of  the  conclusion  of  the  peace. 
Had  it  been  made  immediately  after  the  treaty 
of  Paris,  we  slould  have  retired  humiliated  from 


HENRY    CLAY.  121 

the  contest,  believing  that  we  had  escaped  from 
the  severe  chastisement  with  which  we  were 
threatened,  and  that  we  owed  to  the  generosity 
and  magnanimity  of  the  enemy,  what  we  were 
incapable  of  commanding  by  our  arms.  That 
magnanimity  would  have  been  the  theme  of  every 
tongue,  and  of  every  press,  abroad  and  at  home. 
We  should  have  retired,  unconscious  of  our  own 
strength,  and  unconscious  of  the  utter  inability 
of  the  enemy,  with  his  whole  undivided  force,  to 
make  any  serious  impression  upon  us.  Our 
military  character,  then  in  the  lowest  state  of 
degradation,  would  have  been  unretrieved.  For- 
tunately for  us,  Great  Britain  chose  to  try  the 
issue  of  the  last  campaign.  And  that  has 
demonstrated,  in  the  repulse  before  Baltimore ; 
the  retreat  from  Plattsburgh ;  the  hard-fought 
action  on  the  Niagara  frontier;  and  in  that  most 
glorious  day,  the  eighth  of  January,  that  we  have 
always  possessed  the  finest  elements  of  military 
composition ;  and  that  a  proper  use  of  them 
only,  was  necessary  to  insure  for  the  army  and 
militia  a  fame  as  imperishable  as  that  which  the 
navy  had  previously  acquired. 

"  Another  point,  which  appears  to  me  to  afford 
the  highest    consolation,  is  that  we    fought   the 

11 


122  LIFE    OF 

most  powerful  nation,  perhaps,  in  existence, 
single-handed  and  alone,  without  any  sort  of 
alliance.  More  than  thirty  years  had  Great 
Britain  been  maturing  her  physical  means,  which 
she  had  rendered  as  efficacious  as  possible,  by 
skill,  by  discipline,  and  by  actual  service.  Proudly 
boasting  of  the  conquest  of  Europe,  she  vainly 
flattered  herself  with  the  easy  conquest  of  Ame- 
rica also.  Her  veterans  were  put  to  flight  or 
defeated,  while  all  Europe  —  I  mean  the  govern- 
ments of  Europe — was  gazing  with  cold  indiffer- 
ence, or  sentiments  of  positive  hatred  of  us, 
upon  the  arduous  contest.  Hereafter  no  monarch 
can  assert  claims  of  gratitude  upon  us,  for  assist- 
ance rendered  in  the  hour  of  danger. 

"  There  is  another  view  of  which  the  subject 
of  the  war  is  fairly  susceptible.  From  the 
moment  that  Great  Britain  came  forward  at 
Ghent  with  her  extravagant  demands,  the  war 
totally  changed  in  character.  It  became,  as  it 
were,  a  new  war.  It  was  no  longer  an  American 
war,  prosecuted  for  redress  of  British  aggressions 
upon  American  rights,  but  became  a  British  war, 
prosecuted  for  objects  of  British  ambition,  to  be 
accompanied  by  American  sacrifices.  And  what 
were   those   demands?     They   consisted   of  the 


HENRY    CL  IF.  123 

erection  of  a  barrier  between  Canada  and  the 
United  States,  to  be  formed  by  cutting  off  from 
Ohio,  and  some  of  the  Territories,  a  country  more 
extensive  than  Great  Britain ;  containing  thou- 
sands of  freemen,  who  were  to  be  abandoned  to 
their  fate,  and  creating  a  new  power  totally  un- 
known upon  the  continent  of  America;  of  the 
disarming  of  our  fortresses  and  naval  power  on 
the  lakes,  with  the  surrender  of  the  military 
occupation  of  those  waters  to  the  enemy;  and  of 
an  arrondissement  for  two  British  provinces. 
These  demands,  boldly  asserted,  and  one  of  them 
declared  to  be  a  sine  qua  non,  were  finally  relin- 
quished. Taking  this  view  of  the  subject,  if 
there  be  loss  of  reputation  by  either  party  in  the 
terms  of  peace,  who  has  sustained  it? 

"  The  effects  of  the  war  are  highly  satisfactory. 
Abroad,  our  character,  which  at  the  time  of  its 
declaration  was  in  the  lowest  state  of  degradation, 
is  raised  to  the  highest  point  of  elevation.  It  is 
impossible  for  any  American  to  visit  Europe 
without  being  sensible  of  this  agreeable  change, 
in  the  personal  attentions  which  he  receives,  in 
the  praises  which  are  bestowed  upon  our  past 
exertions,  and  the  predictions  which  are  made  as 
to  our  future  prospects.     At  home,  a  government 


124  LIFE    OF 

which,  at  its  formation,  was  apprehended  by  its 
best  friends,  and  predicted  by  its  enemies,  to  be 
incapable  of  standing  the  shock,  is  found  to  an- 
swer all  the  purposes  of  its  institution.  In  spite 
of  the  errors  which  have  been  committed,  (and 
errors  undoubtedly  have  been  committed,)  aided 
by  the  spirit  and  patriotism  of  the  people,  it  is 
demonstrated  to  be  as  competent  to  the  objects 
of  effective  war,  as  it  has  been  before  proved  to 
be  to  the  concerns  of  a  season  of  peace.  Govern- 
ment has  thus  acquired  strength  and  confidence. 
Our  prospects  for  the  future  are  of  the  brightest 
kind.  With  every  reason  to  count  on  the  perma- 
nence of  peace,  it  remains  only  for  the  govern- 
ment to  determine  upon  military  and  naval 
establishments  adapted  to  the  growth  and  exten- 
sion of  our  country,  and  its  rising  importance, 
keeping  in  view  a  gradual,  but  not  burdensome, 
increase  of  the  navy;  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  the  interest,  and  the  redemption  of  the  public 
debt,  and  for  the  current  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment. For  all  these  objects,  the  existing  sources 
of  the  revenue  promise  not  only  to  be  abundantly 
sufficient,  but  will  probably  leave  ample  scope  to 
the  exercise  of  the  judgment  of  Congress,  in 
selecting   for   repeal,   modification,    or   abolition, 


HENRY     CLAY.  125 

those   which    may   be    found    most    oppressive, 
inconvenient,  or  unproductive." 

Respecting  the  phrase  sine  qua  no?i,  an  amusing 
anecdote  was  related  by  Mr.  Clay;  for  he  had  a 
pleasant  custom  of  enlivening  a  dry  subject  by  an 
amusing  story.  "  While  the  Commissioners  were 
still  abroad,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "  there  appeared  a 
report  of  the  negotiations,  or  letters  relative 
thereto.  Several  quotations  from  my  remarks,  or 
letters  touching  certain  stipulations  in  the  treaty, 
reached  Kentucky,  and  were  read  by  my  consti- 
tuents. Among  them  was  an  eccentric  fellow 
who  went  by  the  nickname  of  '  Old  Sandusky,' 
and  he  was  reading  one  of  these  letters,  one 
evening,  to  a  small  collection  of  his  neighbors. 
As  he  read  on,  he  came  to  the  sentence,  '  This 
must  be  deemed  a  sine  qua  nou.' 

"  '  What's  a  sine  qua  non  V  asked  half  a  dozen 
voices. 

"  Old  Sandusky  was  a  little  perplexed,  but  his 
native  shrewdness  was  as  good  as  Latin.  ' Sine 
qua  non?''  said  the  old  fellow,  slowly  repeating 
the  question  ;  '  why  sine  qua  non  is  three  islands 
in  Passamaquoddy  Bay,  and  Harry  Clay  is  the 
last  man  to  give  them  up !  No  sine  qua  non,  he 
Bays,  no  treaty,  and  he  '11  stick  to  it !' ' 

11* 


126  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XII. 

MR.    CLAY'S    ELOQUENCE  —  FRANKFORT   AND   THE    HAT  — 

MADAME    DE    STAEL  AND  WELLINGTON BONAPARTE 

MR.  CLAY'S  ADVICE  TO  YOUNG  MEN. 

Mr.  Clay  was  now  (1815)  in  the  zenith  of  his 
popularity,  and  the  pride  of  his  manhood.  The 
epithet  "  furious  orator,"  which  the  British  press 
applied  to  him,  referred  only  to  his  energetic  and 
zealous  efforts  against  what  he  deemed  abuses, 
or  in  denunciation  of  what  he  considered  unpa- 
triotic or  dangerous  measures  —  declamations 
against  foes  abroad,  or  errors  at  home.  He  could 
be  pathetic,  or  he  could  be  playful.  The  follow- 
ing description  of  his  manner,  gesture,  and  ap- 
pearance, is  from  an  anonymous  writer,  but 
strikes  us  forcibly  with  its  graphic  distinctness. 
"  Every  muscle  of  the  orator's  face  was  at  work. 
His  whole  body  seemed  agitated,  as  if  each  part 
was  instinct  with  a  separate  life ;  and  his  small 
white  hand,  with  its  blue  veins  apparently  dis- 


HENRY    CLAY.  127 

tended  almost  to  bursting,  moved  gracefully,  but 
with  all  the  energy  of  rapid  and  vehement  ges- 
ture. The  appearance  of  the  speaker  seemed 
that  of'  a  pure  intellect,  wrought  to  its  mightiest 
energies,  and  brightly  shining  through  the  thin 
and  transparent  veil  of  flesh  that  invested  it." 

The  possession  of  a  talent  for  repartee  and 
sarcasm,  and  the  ability  to  say  amusing  things  at 
the  expense  of  others,  however  effective  in  carry- 
ing a  point,  are  not  always  safe  for  the  speaker. 
During  the  rejoicings  which  followed  the  procla- 
mation of  peace,  Mr.  Clay  had  an  opportunity  to 
recall  a  humorous  affront  which  he  had  once 
given  to  the  lieges  of  Frankfort.  At  a  public 
dinner,  he  paid  the  capital  some  very  handsome 
compliments,  alluding  to  a  diverting  passage  in 
his  legislative  experience  many  years  before. 
The  project  of  removing  the  seat  of  government 
was  before  the  House ;  Mr.  Clay  argued  in  favor 
of  the  removal.  Frankfort  is  walled  in  on  all 
sides  by  precipitous  hills  —  romantic  and  pictu 
resque — with  the  beautiful  Kentucky  Rive} 
cutting  its  way  through  these  natural  barriers. 
Nevertheless,  Frankfort  does  seem,  if  we  choose 
to  employ  a  grotesque  comparison,  like  a  great 
pit. 


128  LIFE    OP 

'The  place  presents,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "the 
model  of  an  inverted  hat.  Frankfort  is  the  body 
of  the  hat,  and  the  lands  adjacent  are  the  brim. 
To  change  the  figure,  it  is  nature's  great  peniten- 
tiary. Who  that  gets  in,  can  get  out  ?  And  if 
you  would  know  the  bodily  condition  of  the 
prisoners,  look  at  those  persons  in  the  gallery!" 
As  Mr.  Clay  said  this,  he  gave  a  sweep  with  his 
hand,  which  directed  the  attention  of  the  legisla- 
ture to  some  half  dozen  persons  who  happened  to 
be  lounging  there,  and  who,  finding  the  attention 
of  the  House  was  directed  to  them,  disappeared 
with  the  utmost  precipitation  behind  post,  pillar, 
railing,  or  whatever  could  offer  a  friendly  covert. 
The  House  burst  into  a  laugh  at  the  ludicrousness 
of  the  incident,  and  voted  to  abdicate  the  peni- 
tentiary. But  the  measure  did  not  finally  pass, 
for  Frankfort  is  still  the  capital  of  Kentucky. 

Since  we  are  repeating  anecdotes,  we  may 
relate  one  or  two  more  which  are  connected  with 
Mr.  Clay's  mission  to  Europe.  While  in  Paris, 
after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  Madame 
de  Stael  pleasantly  told  him  that  the  Americans 
were  her  debtors,  inasmuch  as  she  had  been 
doing  battle  for  them  in  London,  during  the  war. 
This  was  magnanimous  in  the  lady;  for  she  thii8 


HENRY    CLAY.  129 

furnished  one  example,  at  least,  of  a  defender  or 
apologist  of  the  war,  with  no  Bonapartean  preju- 
dices;  for  Madame  de  Stael,  until  the  downfall 
of  Napoleon,  was  an  exile  from  France.  Napo- 
leon exceedingly  disliked  her.  Mr.  Clay  replied, 
that  "the  Americans  had  heard  of  her  good 
offices,  and  were  not  ungrateful  for  them."  This 
was  not  necessarily  a  mere  compliment;  for  no 
woman  in  modern  times  has  possessed  more  in- 
fluence, by  her  pen  and  her  conversation,  than 
Madame  de  Stael. 

During  the  same  conversation,  Madame  de 
Stael  remarked  to  Mr.  Clay,  that  the  British 
Government  had  proposed,  during  the  war,  to 
send  out  the  Duke  of  Wellington  to  command 
the  British  forces  in  America.  "  I  am  very 
sorry,"  replied  Mr.  Clay,  "that  they  did  not  send 
his  Grace." 

"And  why,  sir?"  inquired  the  lady. 

"  Because,  madam,  if  he  had  beaten  us,  we 
should  only  have  been  in  the  condition  of  all 
Europe,  without  disgrace ;  but  if  we  had  been  so 
fortunate  as  to  beat  the  Duke,  it  would  have 
added  greatly  to  the  renown  of  our  arms." 

A  few  days  afterward,  when  the  Duke  and  Mr. 
Clay  met  at  her  house,  Madame  de  Stael,  wit^i 


130  LIFE    OF 

playful  malice,  repeated  the  conversation.  The 
Duke  answered,  "  Had  I  been  sent  on  such  an 
errand,  and  been  so  successful  as  to  conquer  the 
Americans,  it  would  have  been  regarded  as  one 
of  my  proudest  triumphs."  It  is  one  of  the 
absurdities  of  war  that  men  can  thus  make 
badinage  of  it  —  that,  enemies  to-day,  to-morrow 
they  can  be  on  terms  of  complimentary  inter- 
course ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  those  who  have 
really  no  feeling  but  complaisance  and  courtesy, 
can  be  placed,  by  a  proclamation,  in  a  position  to 
aim  at  each  other's  destruction ! 

So  wonderful,  too,  are  the  reverses  of  war!  In 
a  preceding  chapter,  we  have  speculated  on  the 
chance  which  once  existed,  that  Napoleon  might 
be  the  founder  of  a  military  colony  in  North 
America  —  perhaps  a  military  despot  on  this 
continent.  This  was  averted  by  the  demonstra- 
tions of  Great  Britain  against  him,  and  the  sale 
of  Louisiana  to  the  United  States.  It  was 
thought  that  the  mighty  conqueror,  shorn  of  his 
power  at  Waterloo,  might  come  to  this  country 
as  a  fugitive.  It  was  suggested  at  the  table  of 
Lord  Liverpool,  in  London,  where  Mr.  Clay  was 
one  day  a  guest,  that  he  might  perhaps  flee  to 
the  New  World  as  an  asylum. 


HENRY     CLAY.  131 

"  Will  he  not  give  you  some  trouble,  if  he  goes 
there  ? "  asked  Lord  Liverpool. 

"  Not  the  least,  ray  lord,"  replied  Mr.  Clay ; 
"  we  shall  be  very  glad  to  see  him,  will  entertain 
him  with  all  due  rites  of  hospitality,  and  soon 
make  him  a  good  democrat."  But  Mr.  Clay 
lived  to  see  that  foreign  discomfited  captains 
make  very  poor  democrats.  They  are  more  apt 
to  continue  adventurers,  and  cannot  settle  down 
into  the  dull  quiet  of  freedom  without  war. 

Mr.  Clay,  on  his  return  to  America,  found 
himself  already  re-elected  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. But  as  there  were  some  doubts  of 
the  legality  of  an  election  while  he  was  absent,  a 
new  canvass  was  ordered ;  and  thus,  twice  elected, 
he  was  ready  to  resume  his  place.  As  before,  he 
was  chosen  Speaker  by  a  large  vote;  for  it  seemed 
that  none  but  he  could  answer  the  exigencies  of 
the  post,  in  the  minds  of  his  contemporaries. 
The  secret  of  influence  so  paramount  over  the 
minds  of  others,  we  may  gather  from  his  own 
declaration.  No  doubt  natural  fitness  is  all 
essential;  but  not  even  Henry  Clay  could  become 
an  apt  debater  without  industry.  In  an  address 
delivered  by  Mr.  Clay  to  the  students  of  a  law 


132  LIFE     OF 

school  at  Ballston,  New  York,  a  few  years  since, 
he  said : 

"  I  owe  my  success  in  life  to  one  single  fact, 
viz.  :  that  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven  I  com- 
menced, and  continued  for  years,  the  process  of 
daily  reading  and  speaking  upon  the  contents  of 
some  historical  or  scientific  book.  These  oft-hand 
efforts  were  made  sometimes  in  a  corn-field,  at 
others  in  the  forest,  and  not  unfrequently  in  some 
distant  barn,  with  the  horse  and  the  ox  for  my 
auditors.  It  is  to  this  early  practice  of  the  great 
art  of  all  arts,  that  I  am  indebted  for  the  primary 
and  leading  impulses  that  stimulated  me  forward, 
and  have  shaped  and  moulded  my  entire  subse- 
quent destiny.  Improve  then,  young  gentlemen, 
the  superior  advantages  you  here  enjoy.  Let  not 
a  day  pass  without  exercising  your  powers  of 
speech.  There  is  no  power  like  that  of  oratory. 
Caesar  controlled  men  by  exciting  their  fears ; 
Cicero  by  captivating  their  affections  and  swajing 
their  passions.  The  influence  of  the  one  perished 
with  its  author;  that  of  the  other  continues  to 
this  day." 


HENRY    CLAY.  133 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

DEBTS  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812  —  THE  TARIFF 
OF  1816 MR.  CLAY  ON  THE  SPANISH  REPUBLICS. 

One  of  the  most  reprehensible  acts  committed 
during  the  war  of  1812,  was  the  destruction  of 
the  public  buildings  and  several  private  resi- 
dences, in  Washington,  by  a  British  force  under 
General  Ross.  We  have  not  space  to  go  into 
particulars,  and  need  only  say  that  the  defence 
of  the  capital — or  rather  neglect  of  defence — was 
as  little  creditable  to  American  arms  on  the  one 
side,  as  the  destruction  of  the  public  buildings 
was  to  British  magnanimity  on  the  other. 

The  only  public  building  spared  was  that  which 
was  used  for  the  Patent  Office  and  Post  Office, 
which  were  under  the  same  roof.  A  portion  of 
this  building  was  fitted  up  for  the  purposes  of 
Congress,  and  during  the  one  session  that  the 
national  legislature  met  there,  the  project  of 
changing  the  seat  of  government  was  introduced, 
but   not   carried.     In  the  following  year,  18]  5, 

12 


134  LIFE    OF 

some  of  the  citizens  of  Washington,  moved,  per- 
haps, by  apprehension  lest  the  question  of  change 
should  again  be  called  up,  erected  a  temporary 
building,  of  which  the  government  took  a  lease. 
It  is  mentioned  in  contemporary  prints,  that  the 
lot  on  which  this  temporary  capitol  stood  was,  on 
the  fourth  of  July  previous  to  the  meeting  of 
Congress,  a  garden.  The  bricks  of  which  it  was 
built  were  in  the  clay,  and  the  timber  still  stand- 
ing in  the  forests  at  that  date. 

One  of  the  leading  measures  of  this  session 
was  the  charter  of  a  new  United  States  Bank. 
This  subject  we  have  anticipated  in  a  previous 
chapter.  The  first  thought  of  the  national  coun- 
cils was  to  provide  for  the  public  debt,  now 
amounting  to  over  a  hundred  millions  in  stocks, 
beside  some  twenty  more  of  treasury  notes,  and 
a  great  amount  of  unadjusted  claims.  The  sub- 
ject of  taxation  of  course  was  a  prominent  one, 
and  engaged  much  attention.  The  President,  in 
his  Message,  had  recommended  discriminating 
duties  in  favor  of  American  industry.  "In 
adjusting  the  duties  on  imports  to  the  objects  of 
revenue,  the  influence  of  the  tariff  on  manufao 
tures  will  necessarily  present  itself  for  considera- 
tion.    *     *     *     In  selecting  the  branches  more 


HENRY    CLAY.  135 

especially  entitled  to  the  public  patronage,  a 
preference  is  obviously  claimed  by  such  as  will 
relieve  the  United  States  from  dependence  on 
foreign  supplies  —  ever  subject  to  casual  failures 
—  for  articles  necessary  for  the  public  defence,  or 
connected  with  the  primary  wants  of  individuals. 
It  will  be  an  additional  recommendation  of  par- 
ticular manufactures,  when  the  materials  for 
them  are  extensively  drawn  from  our  agriculture, 
and  consequently  impart  and  insure  to  that  great 
fund  of  national  prosperity  and  independence, 
an  encouragement  which  cannot  fail  to  be  re- 
warded." 

As  an  illustration  of  party  changes,  we  may 
remark  that  the  Federalists,  as  a  party,  now 
opposed  the  protective  system,  while  the  great 
body  of  the  Democrats  defended  it;  John  Ran- 
dolph, and  a  few  of  his  friends,  being  the  excep- 
tions. Calhoun  and  Clay  labored  side  by  side  for 
the  tariff — Calhoun,  who,  in  his  later  life,  opposed 
nullification  to  protection.  But  the  Federalists 
were  chiefly  representatives  of  commercial  inte- 
rests, and  the  Southern  men  represented  cotton- 
growing  states.  American  cotton,  at  that  time, 
was  repulsed  in  England  by  a  duty ;  and  the 
imported  cotton  goods  which  then  came  to  Ame- 


136  LIFE    OF 

rica  were  chiefly  of  India  cotton.  American 
manufactures  received  an  impetus  during  the 
war,  which,  taken  in  connection  with  the  British 
duty  discriminating  in  favor  of  India  cotton,  led 
the  Southern  men  to  suppose  that  their  future 
market  must  be  in  America. 

A  tariff  was  enacted,  but  Mr.  Clay  was  in 
favor  of  a  much  higher  rate  of  duty  than  it  im- 
posed ;  arguing  that,  "  the  period  of  the  termina- 
tion of  the  war,  during  which  the  manufacturing 
industry  of  the  country  had  received  a  powerful 
spring,  was  precisely  that  period  when  govern- 
ment was  alike  impelled,  by  duty  and  interest,  to 
protect  it  against  the  admission  of  foreign  fabrics, 
consequent  upon  a  state  of  peace."  Mr.  Clay 
also  argued  the  importance  of  preparation  in 
peace  for  war ;  and  laid  down  the  principle  that 
in  time  of  peace  we  should  look  to  foreign  impor- 
tations as  the  chief  source  of  revenue,  and  in 
time  of  war  to  internal  taxes.  He  referred  to 
the  still  unsettled  state  of  our  relations  with 
Spain,  growing  out  of  the  Florida  difficulty, 
which  remained  unadjusted,  though  the  land  in 
dispute  was  in  part  incorporated  with  Louisiana. 
He  alluded  to  the  congress  of  potentates  then  in 
(session  in  Vienna.     Their   ideas   of  'legitimate 


HENRY     CLAY.  137 

government'  were  carried  to  an  extent  destructive 
of  every  principle  of  liberty.  We  have  seen  these 
doctrines  applied  to  create  and  overthrow  dynas- 
ties at  will.  Do  we  know,  he  asked,  whether  we 
shall  escape  their  influence  ? 

The  subject  of  the  recognition  of  the  Spanish' 
American  republics  was  agitated  in  various  forms, 
in  Congress,  from  the  period  of  which  wre  write 
(1816)  to  the  year  1822;  when,  upon  the  special 
recommendation  of  President  Monroe,  their  inde- 
pendence was  formally  recognized  by  Congress. 
The  matter  had  been  embarrassed  by  the  boun- 
dary dispute  with  Spain,  as  detailed  in  Chapter 
VI.  of  this  volume;  and  the  difference  was  not 
closed  until,  in  1821,  the  treaty  with  Spain  in 
reference  to  Florida  was  ratified.  By  this  treaty, 
all  the  Spanish  claims  east  of  the  Mississippi 
were  annulled,  in  consideration  of  the  release  of 
American  claims  against  Spain.  The  boundary 
west  of  the  Mississippi  gave  Texas,  which  had 
also  been  in  dispute,  to  Spain. 

The  Tariff  Bill,  which  passed  at  this  session 
after  a  necessarily  long  debate,  was  based  upon 
the  principles  propounded  by  the  President.  It 
classified  the  articles  of  import  under  three  heads: 
Those  of  which  a  full  domestic  supply  could  be 

12* 


138  LIFE    OF 

produced ;  those  of  which  a  partial  supply  can  be 
manufactured ;  and  those  not  produced  at  home 
at  all,  or  in  insufficient  quantities.  The  last  class 
of  goods  was  taxed  with  a  view  to  revenue  solely. 
On  the  others,  the  rates  were  from  twenty  to 
twenty-five  per  cent,  generally;  but  some  specific 
duties  were  much  higher.  We  shall  have  occa- 
sion, in  a  future  chapter,  to  refer  to  the  Tariff 
and  the  American  system  again ;  and  for  the 
present  will  confine  ourselves  to  Mr.  Clay's  efforts 
in  behalf  of  the  sister  republics  on  this  continent. 
For  to  put  the  nation  in  an  attitude  to  defend  its 
position  in  regard  to  the  American  republics  was, 
as  we  have  already  observed,  one  great  reason 
with  Mr.  Clay  for  desiring  a  sufficient  revenue. 

Mr.  Randolph  was  exceedingly  severe  upon  the 
republics  then  struggling  into  existence,  and  as 
his  remarks  were  made  in  a  style  characteristic 
of  the  man,  we  make  a  brief  extract.  There  is 
a  mixture  of  sound  discernment  and  of  extrava- 
gance in  what  he  said  —  a  strain  of  what  would 
have  been  prophecy,  if  uttered  in  language  a 
little  less  exaggerated.  Our  South  American 
neighbors  have  not  done  so  much  credit  to  the 
name  of  republicans  as  we  could  have  wished ; 
and  indeed,  at  this  distance  of  time—nearly  forty 


HENRY    CLAY.  139 

years — have  hardly  settled  under  their  new  insti- 
tutions. Still,  that  they  will  become  republics 
indeed,  there  remains  now  no  room  to  doubt;  and 
Mr.  Clay's  hopes  for  them  will  be  realised. 

"  This  struggle  for  liberty,"  Mr.  Randolph  said, 
"would  turn  out  in  the  end  something  like  the 
French  liberty — a  detestable  despotism.  You 
cannot  make  liberty  out  of  Spanish  matter — you 
might  as  well  try  to  build  a  seventy-four  out  of 
pine  saplings !  What  ideas  had  the  Spaniards  of 
rational  liberty — of  the  trial  by  jury  —  of  the 
right  of  habeas  corpus  —  of  the  slow  process  by 
which  this  House  moves  and  acts  ?  None,  sir, 
none  !  Expediency,  necessity,  the  previous  ques- 
tion, the  inquisition  —  these  were  among  the 
engines  belonging  to  their  ideas  of  government. 
The  honorable  Speaker  [Mr.  Clay]  had  told  the 
House,  on  a  recent  occasion,  that  he  saw  instances 
of  this  or  that  in  the  British  House  of  Commons; 
the  honorable  gentleman  had  been  sent  on  a 
recent  occasion  to  Europe — he  had  been  near  the 
field  of  Waterloo.  He  was  afraid  the  honorable 
gentleman  had  caught  the  infection — that  he  had 
snuffed  the  carnage  —  and  when  a  man  once 
catches  that  infection,  like  that  of  ambition  or 
avarice  —  whether  taken  by  inoculation  or  in  the 


I  10  LIFE     OF 

natural  way,  the  consequences  are  permanent. 
What,  increase  our  standing  army  in  a  time  of 
peace,  on  the  suggestion  that  we  are  to  go  on  a 
crusade  in  South  America !  Do  I  not  understand 
the  gentleman  ?  [Mr.  Clay  here  intimated  a 
negative  to  this  question.]  I  am  sorry  I  did  not," 
continued  Mr.  Randolph ;  "  I  labor  under  two 
great  misfortunes :  one  is,  that  I  can  never 
understand  the  honorable  Speaker ;  the  other, 
that  he  can  never  understand  me  ! " 

In  answer  to  charges  like  the  foregoing  against 
the  Spanish  patriots,  Clay  said:  "It  had  been 
charged  that  the  people  of  South  America  were 
incapable,  from  the  ignorance  and  superstition 
which  prevail  among  them,  of  achieving  inde- 
pendence, or  enjoying  liberty.  And  to  what 
cause  was  that  ignorance  and  superstition  owing? 
Was  it  not  to  the  vices  of  their  government?  to 
the  tyranny  and  oppression,  hierarchal  and  poli- 
tical, under  which  they  groaned  ?  If  Spain 
succeeded  in  riveting  their  chains  upon  them, 
would  not  that  ignorance  and  superstition  be 
perpetuated  ?  For  my  part,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "  I 
wish  them  independence.  It  is  the  first  step 
toward  improving  their  condition.  Let  them 
have   free   government   if  they  are   capable   of 


HENRY    CLAY.  141 

enjoying  it ;  but  let  them,  at  all  events,  have 
independence.  I  may  be  accused  of  an  imprudent 
utterance  of  my  feelings.  I  care  not;  for  when 
the  independence,  the  happiness,  the  liberty  of  a 
whole  people  is  at  stake,  and  that  people  our 
neighbors,  our  brethren,  occupying  a  portion  of 
the  same  continent,  imitating  our  example,  and 
participating  in  the  same  sympathies  as  ourselves, 
I  will  boldly  avow  my  feelings  and  my  wishes  in 
their  behalf,  even  at  the  risk  of  such  an  imputa- 
tion." 

Mr.  Clay's  speeches  upon  this  subject  are  many 
in  number,  and  we  extract  from  them  without 
regard  to  the  order  of  time,  such  passages  as  did 
not  depend  for  their  interest  upon  contemporary 
circumstances,  but  are  everywhere  interesting, 
and  at  all  times.  The  parallel  in  the  following 
between  the  circumstances  of  the  South  Ameri- 
can republics,  and  our  own  in  its  infancy,  is  well 
drawn  :  — 

"Let  us  recollect  the  condition  of  the  patriots: 
no  minister  here  to  spur  on  our  government;  no 
minister  here  to  be  rewarded  by  noble  honors  in 
consequence  of  the  influence  he  is  supposed  to 
possess  in  our  republic.  No:  their  unfortunate 
case  was  what  ours  had  been  in  1778  and  1779; 


142  LIFE    OF 

their  ministers,  like  our  Franklins  and  Jays  at 
that  day,  were  skulking  about  Europe,  imploring 
inexorable  legitimacy  for  one  kind  look  —  some 
aid  to  terminate  a  war  afflicting  to  humanity. 
Nay,  their  situation  was  worse  than  ours,  for  we 
had  one  great  and  magnanimous  ally  to  recognise 
us;  but  no  nation  had  stepped  forward  to 
acknowledge  any  of  these  provinces.  Such  dis- 
parity between  the  parties  demanded  a  just 
attention  to  the  interests  of  the  party  which  was 
unrepresented.  *  *  *  We  must  pass  con- 
demnation upon  the  founders  of  our  own  liberty, 
and  say  that  they  were  rebels,  traitors,  and  that 
we  are  at  this  moment  legislating  without  compe- 
tent powers,  before  we  can  condemn  South  Ame- 
rica. Our  revolution  was  mainly  directed  against 
the  mere  theory  of  tyranny.  We  had  suffered 
comparatively  but  little — we  had  in  some  respects 
been  kindly  treated;  but  our  intrepid  and  intelli- 
gent fathers  saw,  in  the  usurpation  of  a  power  to 
levy  an  inconsiderable  tax,  the  long  train  of 
oppressive  acts  which  were  to  follow.  They  rose 
—  they  breasted  the  storm;  they  achieved  our 
freedom.  Spanish  America  for  centuries  has 
been  doomed  to  the  practical  effects  of  an  odious 


HENRY    CLAY.  143 

tyranny.     If  we  were  justified,  she  is  more  than 
justified. 

"  I  am  no  propagandist.  I  would  not  seek  to 
force  upon  other  nations  our  principles  and  our 
liberty,  if  they  do  not  want  them.  I  would  not 
disturb  the  repose  even  of  a  detestable  despotism. 
But  if  an  abused  and  oppressed  people  will  their 
freedom;  if  they  seek  to  establish  it;  if  in  truth 
they  have  established  it ;  we  have  a  right,  as  a 
sovereign  power,  to  notice  the  fact,  and  to  act  as 
circumstances  and  our  interest  require.  I  will 
say,  in  the  language  of  the  venerated  Father  of 
my  country,  'born  in  a  land  of  liberty,  my 
anxious  recollections,  my  sympathetic  feelings, 
and  my  best  wishes  are  irresistibly  excited,  when- 
soever, in  any  country,  I  see  an  oppressed  nation 
unfurl  the  banners  of  freedom.'  Whenever  I 
think  of  Spanish  America,  the  image  irresistibly 
forces  itself  upon  my  mind,  of  an  elder  brother 
whose  education  has  been  neglected,  whose  person 
has  been  abused  and  maltreated,  and  who  has 
been  disinherited  by  the  unkindness  of  an  unna- 
tural parent.  And  when  I  contemplate  the  glori- 
ous struggle  which  that  nation  is  now  making,  I 
think  I  behold  that  brother  rising,  by  the  power 
and  energy  of  his  fine  native  genius,  to  the  manly 


144  LIFE    OF 

rank  which  nature,  and  nature's  God,  intended 
for  him. 

"It  is  the  doctrine  of  thrones  that  man  is  too 
ignorant  to  govern  himself.  Their  partisans 
assert  his  incapacity  in  reference  to  ail  nations ; 
if  they  cannot  demand  universal  assent  to  the 
proposition,  it  is  then  demanded  as  to  particular 
nations ;  and  our  pride  and  our  presumption  too 
often  make  converts  of  us.  I  contend  that  it  is 
to  arraign  the  dispositions  of  Providence  himself, 
to  suppose  that  he  has  created  beings  incapable 
of  governing  themselves,  and  to  be  trampled  on 
by  kings ! 

"  But  the  House  has  been  asked,  and  asked 
with  a  triumph  worthy  of  a  better  cause,  why 
recognise  this  republic?  Where  is  the  use  of  it? 
And  is  it  possible  that  gentlemen  can  see  no  use 
in  recognising  this  republic  ?  For  what  did  this 
republic  [La  Plata]  fight  ?  To  be  admitted  into 
the  family  of  nations.  '  Tell  the  nations  of  the 
world,'  says  one  of  her  statesmen,  in  his  speech, 
'that  we  already  belong  to  their  illustrious  rank.' 
What  would  be  the  powerful  consequences  of  a 
recognition  of  their  claim  ?  I  ask  my  honorable 
friend  before  me  [General  Bloomfield]  the  highest 
sanction  of  whose  judgment  in  favor  of  my  pro- 


HENRY     CLAY.  145 

position  I  fondly  anticipate,  with  what  anxious 
solicitude,  during  our  revolution,  he  and  his  glo- 
rious compatriots  turned  their  eyes  to  Europe, 
and  asked  to  be  recognised?  I  ask  him,  the 
patriot  of  '76,  how  the  heart  rebounded  with  joy, 
on  the  information  that  France  had  recognised 
us  ?  The  moral  influence  of  such  a  recognition 
on  the  patriot  of  South  America,  will  be  irresisti- 
ble. He  will  derive  assurance  from  it,  of  his  not 
having  fought  in  vain.  In  the  constitution  of  our 
natures  there  is  a  point  to  which  adversity  may 
pursue  us,  without,  perhaps,  any  worse  effect 
than  that  of  exciting  new  energy  to  meet  it. 
Having  reached  that  point,  if  no  gleam  of  comfort 
breaks  through  the  gloom,  we  sink  beneath  the 
pressure,  yielding  reluctantly  to  our  fate,  and  in 
hopeless  despair  lose  all  stimulus  to  exertion. 
And  is  there  not  reason  to  fear  such  a  fate  for  the 
patriots  of  La  Plata  ?" 

Such  are  a  few  specimens  of  the  earnestness 
with  which,  year  after  year,  Mr.  Clay  pleaded  for 
the  South  American  republics.  His  speeches 
were  well  known  among  those  in  whose  cause 
they  were  uttered.  The  Spanish  are  an  enthusi- 
astic people,  and  admire  chivalric  and  noble 
bearing;  and  the  efforts  of  Henry  Clay  in  their 


146  LIFE    OF 

behalf  were  translated,  and  read  at  the  head  of 
the  armies  who  were  fighting  the  battles  of  free- 
dom. The  writer  of  this  book  had  the  pleasure 
to  receive  in  South  America,  while  the  independ- 
ence of  the  new  republics  was  as  yet  hardly 
established,  the  warmest  evidences  of  the  friend- 
ship of  these  new  republicans  for  their  North 
American  brethren.  This  feeling  of  gratitude* 
was  mainly  owing  to  the  speeches  of  Henry  Clay, 
which  were  accepted  among  the  people  as  the 
sentiments  of  his  countrymen.  So  far  can  one 
voice  reach,  when  it  is  raised  in  defence  of  the 
right! 

In  1827,  General  Bolivar  sent  a  letter  to  Henry 
Clay,  expressing  in  behalf  of  the  South  American 
people,  whom  he  represented,  the  strongest  feel- 
ings of  gratitude.  Mr.  Clay,  in  answer,  expressed 
his  gratification  that  the  course  pursued  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  had  called  forth 
such  grateful  sentiments.  He  added,  moreover, 
with  becoming  frankness,  a  hope  that  certain 
imputations  of  ambitious  designs  to  General 
Bolivar,  would  prove  unfounded.  Events  after- 
ward exonerated  the  South  American  Patriot. 


Bolivee  Reading  Clay's  Speech. — Paee  145. 


HEJS  11  Y     CLAY.  147 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

OSE  OF  THE  FOURTEENTH  CONGRESS  —  ITS  LEADING 
MEASURES  —  THE  COMPENSATION  ACT  —  PUBLIC  DISSA- 
TISFACTION—  OPENING  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CONGRESS 

INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS. 

At  the  close  of  the  second  session  of  the  four- 
teenth Congress,  Mr.  Clay  was  complimented 
with  an  unanimous  vote  of  thanks,  "for  the 
ability  and  impartiality  with  which  he  had  pre- 
sided over  its  deliberations,  and  the  correctness 
with  which  he  had  performed  the  arduous  duties 
of  the  chair."  Such  a  resolution  as  this  is  a 
matter  of  course  under  ordinary  circumstances; 
but  the  heartiness  with  which  it  was  bestowed  on 
this  occasion,  gave  it  more  than  a  mere  compli- 
mentary character.  The  nature  of  the  measures 
which  the  House  had  been  called  upon  to  discuss, 
added  to  the  difficulties  of  the  Speaker's  position. 
In  making  his  acknowledgments,  Mr.  Clay  re- 
marked that  there  were  in  legislation  three  periods 


148  LIFE    OF 

of  extraordinary  difficulty,  and  requiring  great 
fortitude.  The  first  was  that  which  immediately 
precedes  a  war,  and  in  which  preparation  is  made 
for  that  event;  the  second,  that  which  accom- 
panies, and  the  third,  that  which  follows,  war. 
During  the  two  first,  however,  there  were  ani- 
mating circumstances,  always  existing,  which 
invigorated  the  legislative  function.  During  the 
last,  the  stimulus  is  gone ;  and  being  succeeded 
by  relaxation,  the  legislator  needs  more  fortitude. 
He  has  to  survey  the  whole  fabric  of  the  State, 
to  accommodate  it  to  the  new  circumstances  in 
which  it  is  placed ;  to  provide  a  revenue  for 
redeeming  the  debt  of  the  war ;  to  retrench,  and 
by  the  reduction  of  establishments,  to  dismiss 
from  the  service  of  the  country  many  who  have 
nobly  contributed  to  sustain  its  glory.  In  the 
latter  of  the  three  periods,  Mr.  Clay  remarked, 
the  members  of  the  House  whose  term  was  just 
closing  had  been  placed,  and  he  reciprocated  the 
compliment  which  the  members  had  paid  to  him, 
by  testifying  to  the  patience,  diligence,  and  zeal, 
which  they  had  manifested  in  the  public  service. 
Many  public  acts  of  much  importance  were 
passed.  The  system  of  coast  defence  received  its 
first  important  aid  at  this  session ;  the  principle 


HENRY     CLAY.  149 

of  protection  of  American  industry  was  recog- 
nised ;  a  bill  appropriating  certain  moneys  tc 
internal  improvements  passed  Congress,  but  was 
vetoed  by  President  Madison ;  the  United  States 
Bank  was  chartered ;  but  no  public  measure  pro- 
duced so  much  clamor  as  what  was  termed  the 
"  Compensation  Act." 

Previous  to  this  time,  the  pay  of  members  of 
Congress  had  been  six  dollars  a  day.  A  bill  was 
passed,  giving  to  each  member  fifteen  hundred 
dollars  per  annum,  without  regard  to  the  length 
of  the  sessions.  This  law  produced  a  great  ex- 
citement, and  was  condemned,  not  only  by  popu- 
lar meetings  and  the  newspapers,  but  by  formal 
resolution  in  many  of  the  State  Legislatures.  In 
consequence  of  this  it  was  repealed  —  the  repeal 
to  take  effect  with  the  next  Congress.  The 
members  of  the  Congress  which  had  passed  the 
law,  in  repealing  it,  made  this  compromise  with 
their  dignity,  that  they  permitted  it  to  stand  so 
far  as  they  were  concerned.  The  next  Congress, 
we  may  here  observe,  passed  the  act  affixing  the 
present  rate — eight  dollars  per  day  and  mileage; 
and  experience  has  demonstrated  that  the  fifteen 
hundred  dollars  per  annum  would  have  been  a 
much  less  tax  on  the  public  treasury. 


150  LIFE    OF 

As  the  election  for  the  new  Congress  took  place 
before  the  act  could  be  repealed,  many  members 
lost  their  seats.  Some  declined  to  be  candidates 
for  a  re-election.  Those  who  were  re-elected 
came  in  by  a  very  close  vote.  Even  Mr.  Clay 
was  taught  how  much  the  popularity  of  a  poli- 
tician depends  upon  a  breath.  While  his  election 
was  pending,  and  the  popular  clamor  was  at  its 
height,  he  met  an  old  Kentucky  friend  who 
showed  ominous  discontent  on  account  of  the 
charge  of  compensation  which  the  members  of 
Congress  had  voted  to  themselves. 

"  Have  you  a  good  rifle  ?"  asked  Mr.  Clay. 

"  Yes." 

"  Did  it  never  flash  ?" 

« It  did  once." 

"  And  did  you  then  throw  it  away  ?  " 

"  No ;  I  picked  the  flint,  and  tried  it  again, 
and  it  was  true." 

"  And  will  you  throw  me  away  ?  " 

"  No,  no,"  said  the  hunter,  grasping  his  hand, 
"I  will  pick  the  flint,  and  try  it  again  !" 

Mr.  Clay  was  again  elected  Speaker  of  the 
House,  in  1817,  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  to  seven.  The  measure  with  which  he 
was    most    closely   identified,   during    this    ses- 


HENRY    CLAY.  151 

Bion  of  Congress,  was  the  passage  of  a  resolution 
by  the  House,  declaring  that  Congress  has  power, 
under  the  Constitution,  to  make  appropriations 
for  the  construction  of  military  roads,  post  roads, 
and  canals.  It  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of 
ninety  to  seventy-five.  It  is  proper  to  say,  how- 
ever, that  the  question  still  remains  open ;  and 
though  large  appropriations  have  been  made  from 
year  to  year  for  the  improvement  of  river  navi- 
gation, and  the  security  of  harbors,  yet  the 
construction  of  roads  or  canals,  by  the  Federal 
Government,  has  never  been  reduced  to  a  govern- 
mental system,  as  was  contemplated  by  the  origi- 
nators of  the  policy. 

Mr.  Madison,  as  we  have  already  said,  vetoed 
a  bill  having  internal  improvements  for  its  object. 
Mr.  Monroe  declared  his  opinion  against  the  con- 
stitutional power  of  Congress,  in  his  first  message; 
and  it  was  to  meet  the  arguments  of  the  message 
that  the  resolution  above  mentioned  was  intro- 
duced. It  was  at  one  time  very  common  to 
suggest  revisions  and  amendments  of  the  Consti- 
tution, to  meet  particular  exigencies.  Thus  Mr. 
Jefferson  contemplated  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution,  to  legalise  the  purchase  of  Louisiana. 
Madison  and  Monroe,  while  they  opposed  internal 


152  LIFE     OF 

improvements  by  the  Federal  Government  as 
unconstitutional,  favored  the  policy,  and  wished 
the  Constitution  amended  in  order  to  permit  it. 
But  altering  the  fundamental  law  of  a  state  or  a 
confederacy  is  a  doubtful  experiment,  and  never 
to  be  resorted  to  except  from  imperious  necessity. 
It  is  better  to  endure  some  evils  and  incon- 
veniences, than  to  open  the  door  to  innovations 
which  may  amount  to  revolution,  and  which 
must  impair  the  feeling  of  confidence  and  sta- 
bility. The  reasoning  which  Mr.  Clay  used 
against  the  probability  of  amending  the  Consti- 
tution in  reference  to  internal  improvements,  will 
apply  to  such  a  proposal  if  entertained  with  any 
other  view.  "  With  regard,"  he  said,  "  to  the 
possibility  of  obtaining  such  an  amendment,  I 
think  it  altogether  out  of  the  question.  Two 
different  descriptions  of  persons,  entertaining 
sentiments  directly  opposed,  will  unite  and  defeat 
such  an  amendment :  one  embracing  those  who 
believe  that  the  Constitution,  fairly  interpreted, 
conveys  the  power;  and  the  other,  those  who 
think  that  Congress  has  not,  and  ought  not  to 
have  it," 

Mr.  Clay  argued  :   "  Of  all  the  modes  in  which 
a  government  can  employ  its    surplus    revenue, 


HENRY     CLAY.  153 

none  is  more  permanently  beneficial  than  that  of 
internal  improvement.  Fixed  to  the  soil,  it 
becomes  a  durable  part  of  the  land  itself,  diffusing 
comfort,  and  activity,  and  animation,  on  all  sides. 
The  first  direct  effect  is  on  the  agricultural  com- 
munity, into  whose  pockets  comes  the  difference 
in  the  expense  of  transportation  between  good 
and  bad  ways.  Thus,  if  the  price  of  transporting 
a  barrel  of  flour,  by  the  erection  of  the  Cumber- 
land Turnpike,  should  be  lessened  two  dollars, 
the  producer  of  the  article  would  receive  that  two 
dollars  more  now  than  formerly.  But  putting 
aside  all  pecuniary  considerations,  there  may  be 
political  motives  sufficiently  powerful  alone  to 
justify  certain  improvements." 

The  "Cumberland  Road"  extends  from  Cum- 
berland, Maryland,  over  the  Alleghanies  to 
Wheeling,  Virginia.  It  was  built  by  successive 
appropriations,  commencing  in  1806,  and  amount- 
ing in  all  to  about  two  millions  of  dollars,  exclu- 
sive of  sums  appropriated  for  surveys  600  miles 
further.  This  expense  has  been  charged  directly 
or  indirectly  upon  the  public  lands.  Superior 
modes  of  facilitating  the  transit  of  merchandise 
and  passengers,  have  superseded  turnpikes  as 
objects  of  public  patronage;  and  convenience,  or 


154  LIFE    OF 

policy,  has  transferred  the  erection  or  fostering 
of  these  works  from  the  National  to  the  State 
governments.  Individual  enterprise  has  proved 
more  efficient  than  either;  and  the  great  branches 
of  iron  roads  and  water  communication,  which 
are  spreading  their  arms  in  all  directions,  more 
than  realise  the  predictions  of  Mr.  Clay  as  to  the 
advantage  and  benefits  of  internal  improvements. 
The  distant  members  of  the  confederacy  are 
united;  communication  is  between  the  principal 
points  literally  instantaneous,  for  the  telegraph 
has  been  introduced  to  perfect  the  work  which 
the  Cumberland  Road  began,  and  may  finally 
stretch  across  America  from  ocean  to  ocean. 

Though  we  have  said  that  the  question  as  to 
the  power  of  Congress  to  make  appropriations  for 
internal  improvements  still  remains  open,  it  is 
adjusted  to  a  great  extent  by  the  disposition  to 
compromise,  which  indeed  determines,  sooner  or 
later,  all  our  great  national  questions.  Indivi- 
duals originate,  State  legislatures  aid  or  assume, 
and  Congress  by  grants  of  land,  or  the  proceeds 
of  land  sales,  assists  in  uniting  our  country  by 
the  most  magnificent  public  works  ever  erected. 
For  rivers  and  harbors,  and  other  public  objects 
no&  of  a  nature  to   support   themselves   by  the 


HENRY    CLiT.  155 

production  of  a  revenue,  Congress  makes  annual 
appropriations. 

To  Mr.  Clay  the  country  owes  much  of  this 
prosperity.  He  saw  the  importance  of  easy  and 
rapid  inter-communication ;  and  he  advocated 
the  government  aid  which  gave  the  system  its 
early  impetus.  Neither  he,  nor  his  compatriots, 
the  opponents  of  the  policy  which  he  advocated, 
could  foresee  that  the  private  energy  of  the  peo- 
ple, aided  by  the  discoveries  of  the  age,  would 
accomplish  such  wonders  in  art  and  enterprise  as 
have  now  become  common-place  events.  They 
could  not  predict  that  turnpikes,  canals,  and  post 
roads,  would  be  rendered  obsolete  by  the  railroad 
and  the  telegraph.  But  Mr.  Clay's  speeches  in 
favor  of  internal  improvement,  if  they  did  not 
effect  all  that  he  desired  in  the  national  councils, 
reached  the  ears  of  the  people,  and  influenced 
the  State  legislatures.  As  the  man  in  his 
strength  does  not  forget  the  kindness  which  sup- 
ported his  childhood,  so  may  Mr.  Clay's  country- 
men—  who  are  now  driven  by  steam  over  the 
difficulties  which  once  still  farther  impeded  the 
ancient  slow  modes  of  conveyance  —  thank  him 
who  defended  in  its  infancy  the  policy  and  enter- 
prise which  can  now  defend  and  sustain  them- 
selves. 


156  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  SEMINOLE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1817  —  ARBUTHNOT  AND 
AMBRISTER PENSACOLA  AND  ST.  MARKS DIFFICUL- 
TIES IN  THE  CABINET PROCEEDINGS    IN    CONGRESS 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  CLAY. 

The  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Spain 
—  embarrassed  by  the  aid  which  the  revolted 
colonies,  now  the  Spanish-American  republics, 
received  from  citizens  of  the  United  States  — 
were  still  farther  complicated  by  the  proceedings 
of  General  Jackson,  in  the  Seminole  campaign  of 
1817.  Sheltered  within  the  Spanish  territory  of 
Florida,  the  Seminole  Indians  committed  great 
depredations  upon  the  frontier  settlements  of 
Georgia.  A  few  skirmishes  took  place  between 
the  Indians  and  the  American  garrison  of  Fort 
Scott,  under  the  command  of  General  Gaines. 
Some  lives  were  lost,  and  an  Indian  town  was 
surprised  and  burned.  Up  to  this  time,  there 
had  b^en  no  invasion  of  the  Spanish  territory. 


HENRY    CLAY.  157 

The  Indians  retaliated  by  capturing  a  boat, 
which  was  on  its  way  up  the  Apalachicola  River 
with  supplies  for  Fort  Scott.  Between  forty  and 
fifty  men,  women,  and  children,  were  killed,  and 
the  United  States  Government  took  immediate 
steps  to  punish  the  Indians,  and  put  a  close  to 
the  state  of  Indian  warfare.  Major-General 
Andrew  Jackson  was  ordered  to  take  the  com- 
mand in  person,  and  authority  was  conferred  to 
enter  Florida,  if  necessary,  in  pursuit  of  the 
Indians;  but  the  instructions  did  not  authorise 
an  attack  upon  any  Spanish  fort. 

General  Jackson,  with  a  large  force,  as 
promptly  as  the  nature  of  the  country  and  the 
insufficiency  of  supplies  would  permit,  overran 
Florida,  burned  several  Indian  towns,  and  took 
possession  of  the  Spanish  post  of  St.  Marks.  The 
only  resistance  offered  by  the  Spanish  commander 
was  a  remonstrance.  One  of  the  Indian  settle- 
ments, a  town  on  the  Suwanee  River,  received 
notice  of  his  approach  from  Arbuthnot,  an  Indian 
trader.  The  women  and  children  were  sent 
away,  and  the  warriors  made  a  stand  under  the 
command  of  Ambrister,  another  Indian  trader. 
The  leader,  Ambrister,  was  taken  prisoner;  the 

14 


158  LIFE    OF 

0 

other  Englishman,  Arbuthnot,  had  already  been 
found  in  the  fort  at  St.  Marks. 

Both  these  men  were  put  on  trial  before  a 
Court  Martial,  of  which  General  Gaines  was 
President ;  and  both  were  found  guilty  of  excit- 
ing the  Indians  to  war,  and  furnishing  them  with 
supplies.  Both  were  sentenced  to  death ;  and 
although,  on  re-consideration,  the  Court  Martial 
changed  Ambrister's  sentence  to  stripes  and  im- 
prisonment, General  Jackson  approved  the  first 
finding  in  the  case  of  Ambrister,  and  caused  the 
sentence  of  death  to  be  put  in  execution  upon 
both.  Two  Indian  chiefs,  who  came  on  board  an 
American  armed  vessel,  which  wore  the  British 
flag  for  a  decoy,  were  also  hanged  by  General 
Jackson's  orders.  Pensacola  was  taken  possession 
of,  and  the  aggressions  of  the  Indians,  and  their 
shelter  by  the  Spanish  authorities,  were  thus 
summarily  closed. 

These  measures  called  forth  a  protest  from  the 
Spanish  Minister  at  Washington.  John  Quincy 
Adams,  the  Secretary  of  State,  defended  the 
invasion  of  Florida,  on  the  ground  that  Spain 
had  not  fulfilled  her  treaty  stipulations  to  keep 
the  Indians  in  check.  He  justified  the  seizure 
of  the  Spanish  posts  as  a  measure  of  self-defence  j 


HENRY    CLAY.  159 

but  as  the  war  with  the  Indians  was  now  ended, 
the  forts  taken  were  restored  to  the  Spanish 
authorities. 

It  is  matter  of  record  that  Adams  was  the  only 
one  in  the  Cabinet  who  defended  General  Jack- 
son. That  officer  had  acted  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility, and  transcended  the  limit  prescribed  to 
him.  But  it  was  necessary  to  defend  his  course, 
on  account  of  the  position  of  the  United  States 
Government  toward  Spain,  and  because,  as  Mr. 
Madison  said  in  a  private  letter  to  General  Jack- 
son, "  the  President  was  satisfied  that  General 
Jackson  had  good  reason  for  his  conduct,  and 
had  acted  in  all  things  on  that  principle."  The 
people  of  the  United  States,  having  since  given 
General  Jackson  the  highest  proofs  of  their  con- 
fidence, may  be  regarded  as  excusing  him,  under 
the  circumstances,  for  acts  the  principle  of  which 
would  have  justified  the  British  forces  in  Canada 
in  invading  our  northern  frontier,  during  the 
Canadian  rebellion.  Perhaps  the  failure  of  our 
government  to  disavow  General  Jackson's  course, 
or  to  censure  him,  may  account  for  the  omission 
of  any  demand,  on  our  part,  for  reparation  for 
the  burning  of  an  American  steamboat  by  a  Bri- 
tish party,  while  she  was  moored  in  the  waters 


160  LIFE    OF 

of  the  United  States.  What  a  nation  exacts,  she 
must  endure;  and  if  General  Jackson  was  de- 
fended in  taking  possession  of  Spanish  forts, 
because  they  were  thought  to  shield  hostile 
Indians,  the  same  plea  of  self-defence  would  be 
available  in  justification  of  the  destruction  of  a 
steamboat  in  the  service  of  an  enemy;  though 
that  steamer  had  taken  refuge  in  the  waters  of  a 
friendly  power. 

Whatever  ma}T  be  said  of  General  Jackson's 
Florida  proceedings  at  this  day,  when  party 
feelings  enter  no  more  into  the  estimate,  we  must 
concede  that  the  most  friendly  disposition  can 
only  palliate,  and  not  commend  them.  At  the 
time  of  their  occurrence,  there  was  a  strong  dis- 
position to  call  the  General  to  an  account.  Mr. 
Adams  saved  him  in  the  Cabinet;  and,  once 
committed,  the  administration  was  forced  to 
defend  him.  The  documents  relative  to  the 
Seminole  war,  and  the  Spanish  protest,  were  laid 
before  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs.  In  their 
report,  the  seizure  and  occupation  of  the  Spanish 
posts  was  condemned ;  and  to  the  report  a  series 
of  resolutions  was  appended.  Among  them  was 
one  expressive  oi  censure  on  General  Jackson  for 


HENRY    CLAY.  161 

the  execution  of  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister. 
There  was  a  minority  report  which  defended 
General  Jackson  for  the  occupation  of  the  Spanish 
towns.  The  debate  lasted  three  weeks ;  and 
resulted  in  a  refusal  to  censure  General  Jackson, 
by  a  majority  of  between  thirty  and  forty  votes. 

Many  very  able  speeches  were  made  —  none 
more  able  than  the  speeches  of  Henry  Clay.  The 
whole  subject  was  reviewed  by  him.  In  his 
opening,  he  disclaimed  all  feelings  towards  Gene- 
ral Jackson  but  those  of  kindness  and  respect. 
He  reviewed  and  condemned  the  Indian  Treaty 
made  four  years  before,  the  hard  terms  of  which, 
he  alleged,  produced  this  war.  He  condemned 
in  eloquent  language,  the  execution  of  the  In- 
dians, and  that  of  the  Englishmen,  without,  as  he 
urged,  the  authority  of  law.  It  is  not  our  purpose 
now  to  revive  the  charges  against  General  Jack- 
son ;  and  we  pass,  therefore,  the  particular  points 
which  Mr.  Clay  made,  and  extract  the  more 
general  conclusion  of  his  speech ;  sound  in  wis- 
dom, and  earnest  in  patriotism. 

"I  will  not,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "trespass  much 
longer  upon  the  time  of  the  Committee  ;  but  I 
trust  I  shall  be  indulged  in  some  few  reflections 
upon  the  danger  of  permitting  the    conduct  on 

14* 


1G2  LIFE    OF 

which  it  has  been  my  painful  duty  to  animadvert, 
to  pass  without  a  solemn  expression  of  the  dis- 
approbation of  this  House.  Recall  to  your 
recollection  the  free  nations  which  have  gone 
before  us.     Where  are  they  now  ? 

Some  glimmering  through  the  dream  of  things  that  were, 
A  school-boy's  tale,  the  wonder  of  an  hour. 

And  how  have  they  lost  their  liberties  ?  If  we 
could  transport  ourselves  back  to  the  ages  when 
Greece  and  Rome  flourished  in  their  greatest 
prosperity,  and,  mingling  in  the  throng,  should 
ask  a  Grecian  if  he  did  not  fear  that  some  daring 
military  chieftain,  covered  with  glory — some 
Philip  or  Alexander  —  would  one  day  overthrow 
the  liberties  of  his  country,  the  confident  and 
indignant  Grecian  would  exclaim,  i  No !  no !  we 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  our  heroes  ;  our  liber- 
ties will  be  eternal.'  If  a  Roman  citizen  had 
been  asked  if  he  did  not  fear  that  the  conqueror 
of  Gaul  might  establish  a  throne  upon  the  ruins 
of  public  liberty,  he  would  instantly  have  repelled 
the  insinuation.  Yet  Greece  fell.  Ca3sar  passed 
the  Rubicon,  and  even  the  patriotic  arm  of  Brutus 
could  not  preserve  the  liberties  of  his  devoted 
country !  The  celebrated  Madame  de  Stael,  in 
her  last,  and  perhaps  her  best  work,  has  said, 


HENRY    CLAY.  163 

that  in  the  very  year,  almost  in  die  very  month, 
when  the  president  of  the  Directory  declared  that 
monarchy  would  never  more  show  its  frightful 
head  in  France,  Bonaparte,  with  his  grenadiers, 
entered  the  palace  of  St.  Cloud,  and  dispersing 
with  the  bayonet  the  deputies  of  the  people, 
deliberating  on  the  affairs  of  the  State,  laid  the 
foundation  of  that  vast  fabric  of  despotism  which 
overshadowed  all  Europe.  I  hope  not  to  be 
misunderstood.  I  am  far  from  intimating  that 
General  Jackson  cherishes  any  designs  inimical 
to  the  liberties  of  the  country.  I  believe  his 
intentions  to  be  pure  and  patriotic.  I  thank 
Heaven  that  he  would  not  —  and  I  am  still  more 
grateful  that  he  could  not  if  he  would — overturn 
the  liberties  of  the  republic.  But  precedents,  if 
bad,  are  fraught  with  the  most  dangerous  conse- 
quences. Man  has  been  described,  by  some  one 
of  those  who  have  treated  of  his  nature,  as  a 
bundle  of  habits.  The  definition  is  much  truer 
when  applied  to  governments.  Precedents  are 
their  habits.  There  is  one  important  difference 
between  the  formation  of  habits  by  an  individual 
and  by  governments.  He  contracts  it  only  after 
frequent  repetition.  A  single  instance  fixes  the 
habits    and  determines  the  direction  of  govern- 


164  LIFE    OP 

ments.  Against  the  alarming  doctrine  of  unli- 
mited discretion  in  our  military  commanders, 
when  applied  even  to  prisoners  of  war,  I  must 
enter  my  protest.  It  begins  with  them  —  it  will 
end  on  us.  I  hope  our  happy  form  of  govern- 
ment is  to  be  perpetuated.  But  if  it  is  to  be 
preserved,  it  must  be  by  the  practice  of  virtue, 
by  justice,  by  moderation,  by  magnanimity,  by 
greatness  of  soul,  by  keeping  a  watchful  and 
steady  eye  on  the  executive ;  and,  above  all,  by 
holding  to  a  strict  accountability  the  military 
branch  of  the  public  force. 

"  We  are  fighting  a  great  moral  battle,  for  the 
benefit  not  only  of  our  country,  but  of  all  man- 
kind. The  eyes  of  the  whole  world  are  in  fixed 
attention  upon  us.  One,  and  the  largest  portion,, 
is  gazing  with  contempt,  with  jealousy,  and  with 
envy ;  the  other  portion  with  hope,  with  confi- 
dence, and  with  affection.  Every  where  the  thick 
cloud  of  legitimacy  is  suspended  over  the  world, 
save  only  one  bright  spot,  which  breaks  out  from 
the  political  hemisphere  of  the  West,  to  en- 
lighten, and  animate,  and  gladden  the  human 
heart.  Obscure  that,  by  the  downfall  of  liberty 
here,  and  all  mankind  are  enshrouded  in  a  pall 
of  univQrsal  darkness.     To  you,  Mr.  Chairman, 


HENRT    CLAY.  165 

belongs  tlie  high  privilege  of  transmitting  unim- 
paired, to  posterity,  the  fair  character  and  liberty 
of  our  country.  Do  you  expect  to  execute  this 
high  trust  by  trampling,  or  suffering  to  be  tram- 
pled down,  law,  justice,  the  constitution,  and  the 
rights  of  the  people  ?  by  exhibiting  examples  of 
inhumanity,  and  cruelty,  and  ambition?  When 
the  minions  of  despotism  heard,  in  Europe,  of  the 
seizure  of  Pensacola,  how  did  they  chuckle,  and 
chide  the  admirers  of  our  institutions,  tauntingly 
pointing  to  the  demonstration  of  a  spirit  of  in- 
justice and  aggrandizement  made  by  our  country 
in  the  midst  of  an  amicable  negotiation.  Behold, 
said  they,  the  conduct  of  those  who  are  constantly 
reproaching  kings!  You  saw  how  those  admirers 
were  astounded,  and  hung  their  heads.  You 
saw,  too,  when  that  illustrious  man  who  presides 
over  us  adopted  his  pacific,  moderate,  and  just 
course,  how  they  once  more  lifted  up  their  heads, 
with  exultation  and  delight  beaming;  in  their 
countenances.  And  you  saw  how  those  minions 
themselves  were  fully  compelled  to  unite  in  the 
general  praises  bestowed  upon  our  government. 
Beware  how  you  forfeit  this  exalted  character. 
Beware  how  you  give  a  fatal  sanction,  in  this 
infant  period   of  our  republic,  scarcely  yet  two 


166  LIFE    OF 

score  years  old,  to  military  insubordination, 
Remember  that  Greece  had  her  Alexander,  Kome 
her  Caesar,  England  her  Cromwell,  France  her 
Bonaparte ;  and  that  if  we  would  escape  the  rock 
on  which  they  split,  we  must  avoid  their  errors. 

"  I  hope  gentlemen  will  deliberately  survey  the 
awful  isthmus  on  which  we  stand.  They  may 
bear  down  all  opposition ;  they  may  even  vote 
the  General  the  public  thanks ;  they  may  carry 
him  triumphantly  through  this  House.  But  if 
they  do,  in  my  humble  judgment,  it  will  be  a 
triumph  of  the  principle  of  insubordination- — a 
triumph  of  the  military  over  the  civil  authority 
—  a  triumph  over  the  powers  of  this  House  —  a 
triumph  over  the  constitution  of  the  land.  And 
I  pray  most  devoutly  to  Heaven,  that  it  may  not 
prove,  in  its  ultimate  effects  and  consequences,  a 
triumph  over  the  liberties  of  the  people." 


HENRY    CLAY.  167 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    MISSOURI    COMPROMISE  —  RETIREMENT    OF  MR.  CLAY 

HIS    MISSION    TO    VIRGINIA  —  VISIT    TO    HANOVER  — 

SPEECH  BEFORE  THE  VIRGINIA  HOUSE  OF  DELEGATES. 

The  next  important  measure  in  which  we  find 
Mr.  Clay  engaged,  was  the  famous  "  Missouri 
Compromise."  Before  the  admission  of  a  new 
State  into  the  Union,  an  Act  of  Congress  is  re- 
quired to  authorise  a  convention  of  the  people  to 
form  a  constitution.  In  the  session  of  1818-19, 
the  House  passed  such  an  act  for  the  State  of 
Missouri.  But  it  contained  a  proviso  forbidding 
the  farther  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  new 
State,  and  providing  that  all  slaves  born  in  the 
State  after  its  admission  into  the  Union,  should 
be  free  at  the  age  of  twenty-five.  The  Senate 
refused  to  pass  the  bill  with  these  provisions,  and 
the  session  went  over  with  the  appeal  of  Mis- 
souri still  unanswered. 

At  the  next  session,  the  matter  came  up  again. 


168  LIFE    OF 

There  was  a  long  and  very  warm  debate  upon 
the  subject.  As  the  "  Missouri  Compromise"  is  a 
phrase  which  our  young  readers  will  often  meet, 
it  may  be  well  to  make  it  intelligible  to  them, 
In  1787,  while  the  States  were  as  yet  united 
wmply  by  articles  of  confederation,  an  ordinance 
was  unanimously  agreed  to,  for  the  government 
of  the  territory  north-west  of  the  Ohio.  This 
ordinance,  among  other  provisions,  declared  that 
"there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  in  the  said  territory,  otherwise  than  the 
punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall 
have  been  duly  convicted."  This  provision  had 
been  strictly  adhered  to,  up  to  the  date  of  the 
application  of  Missouri  for  admission. 

Prior  to  1820,  when  the  Missouri  question  was 
settled,  ten  States  had  been  added  to  the  original 
thirteen.  Among  these  were :  Vermont,  sepa- 
rated from  New  York,  and  Maine  from  Massa- 
chusetts, States  in  which  slavery  was  not  men- 
tioned ;  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  from  the 
territory  north  and  west  of  the  Ohio.  By  the 
constitution?  of  the  last  three  States,  slavery  was 
expressly  excluded,  in  accordance  with  the  terms 
of  the  ordinance  above  mentioned.  To  balance 
these    five   free    States,  Tennessee,   from    North 


HENRY     CLAY.  169 

Carolina,  Kentucky,  from  Virginia;  Louisiana, 
from  the  Louisiana  purchase;  and  Mississippi 
and  Alabama  from  lands  ceded  to  the  United 
States  by  Georgia,  had  been  admitted  into  the 
Union.  In  these  States,  slavery  had  not  been 
forbidden,  as  they  formed  portions  of  territory 
formerly  held  by  slave  States;  and  occupied,  so 
far  as  settled,  by  slave-holders. 

The  State  of  Missouri  was  formed  out  of  part 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase  ;  and  it  was  contended 
that  the  new  State  should  follow  the  precedents 
of  the  other  States  which  had  been  created  out 
of  slave  territory.  Louisiana  had  slaves,  and  as 
Missouri  was  another  portion  of  the  same  pur- 
chase, it  was  demanded  that  she  should  be 
received  on  the  same  footing  as  a  slave-holding 
State.  The  argument  had  weight,  independent 
of  any  question  as  to  slavery,  from  its  merits  or 
demerits  as  a  separate  question.  If  any  State, 
under  the  Constitution  and  the  precedents  esta- 
blished, was  entitled  to  hold  slaves,  Missouri  held 
that  right;  since  the  French  province  of  Louisi- 
ana, of  which  her  territory  formed  a  part,  recog- 
nised slavery. 

The  dispute  was  adjusted,  at  length,  by  admit- 
ting Missouri  as  a  slave  State,  with  a  proviso  that 

15 


170  LIFE    OF 

in  all  the  territory  ceded  to  the  United  States  by 
France,  north  of  latitude  thirty  six  degrees,  thirty 
minutes,  slavery  shall  not  exist;  the  limits  of 
Missouri  of  course  being  excepted.  This  proviso 
or  compromise,  together  with  the  ordinance  of 
1787,  includes  the  whole  western  territory 
Some  of  the  thirteen  States  which  ceded  then 
lands  to  the  United  States,  claimed  to  hold  to  the 
Pacific;  but  their  limits  were  very  vague.  So 
also  were  the  limits  of  Louisiana,  but  the  "  Mis- 
souri Compromise"  renders  it  now  unnecessary  to 
determine  whether  territory  from  which  new 
States  may  be  formed,  belonged  to  the  Louisiana 
grant,  or  was  part  of  the  domain  of  the  "Old 
Thirteen."  The  line  of  latitude  defines  the  limit. 
The  accessions  from  Mexico  open  a  new  question; 
but  of  these,  Texas  was  certainly  a  part  of  the 
tract  sold  to  the  United  States  by  Napoleon.  It 
was  ceded  to  Spain  by  the  treaty  of  1821,  in 
which  Florida  was  acquired ;  and  perhaps  some 
of  our  readers  may  remember  to  have  heard  the 
admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union,  termed  a 
"re-annexation." 

To  effect  this  compromise,  Mr.  Clay  labored 
with  all  his  powers  of  argument  and  of  concilia- 
tion.    But  the  matter  was  not  here  settled.     At 


HENRY     CLAY.  171 

the  next  session,  that  of  1820-21,  the  difficulty 
presented  itself  in  a  new  form.  Missouri  had 
adopted  her  Constitution,  and  came  with  it  to 
Washington,  to  be  formally  admitted.  But  the 
instrument  contained  a  provision  which  re-awa- 
kened all  the  bitterness  of  the  contest.  It  was  in 
these  words:  "It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  General 
Assembly,  as  soon  as  may  be,  to  pass  such  laws 
as  may  be  necessary  to  prevent  free  negroes  and 
mulattoes  from  coming  to,  and  settling  in  this 
State,  under  any  pretext  whatever."  The  Senate 
passed  a  resolution  admitting  the  State  of  Mis- 
souri—  but  the  House  refused  to  admit  the  new 
State  with  such  a  provision  in  its  Constitution. 
Meanwhile,  the  ceremony  of  counting  the  electoral 
votes,  as  directed  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  must  take  place  in  the  presence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 
The  expedient  was  resorted  to  of  declaring  the 
vote  first  with  that  of  Missouri,  and  then  without 
it,  to  show  that  the  vote  of  the  suspended  state 
did  not  alter  the  result.  But  when  the  vote  of 
Missouri  was  reached,  terrific  confusion  arose. 
Some  cried,  "  Missouri  is  a  State  !"  and  others, 
"Missouri  is  not  a  State!"  The  Senate  withdrew 
from  the  disturbance;  motiou  after  motion  was 


172  LIFE    OF 

made,  and  rejected.  Mr.  Clay,  at  last,  persuaded 
his  fellow-members  into  a  momentary  calm,  and 
made  a  motion  that  the  Senate  be  notified  that 
the  House  was  now  ready  to  complete  the  duty 
of  counting  the  votes.  The  Senate  returned ; 
the  rest  of  the  States  were  counted,  and  it  was 
declared  that  President  Monroe  was  re-elected,  by 
a  vote  of  231  with,  and  228  without  Missouri. 
Mr.  Randolph,  and  others,  attempted  to  throw 
some  doubts  on  the  legality  of  the  proceeding, 
but  that  point  was  abandoned. 

It  was  during  this  session  that  Mr.  Clay  re- 
ceived the  title  of  the  Great  Pacificator.  He  had. 
resigned  his  office  as  Speaker,  on  account  of  his 
inability  to  attend  at  the  opening  of  the  session; 
and  he  reached  Washington  when  the  House  was 
in  the  midst  of  confusion,  and  all  public  business 
was  defeated  by  this  vexed  question.  Twice  he 
procured  the  appointment  of  a  committee,  to 
which  the  resolution  to  admit  Missouri  was  re- 
ferred. The  report  of  the  first  committee  was 
rejected.  The  second  committee  consisted  of 
twenty-three  members  —  one  from  each  State  — 
with  Mr.  Clay  as  chairman,  to  meet  a  joint-com- 
mittee of  the  Senate.  Their  unanimous  report 
was  a  resolution  by  which  Missouri  was  admitted, 


HENRY    CLAY.  173 

on  condition  of  her  removing  the  obnoxious 
clause.  It  was  carried  in  both  Houses,  and  the 
new  State  accepted  the  terms.  Thus  passed 
away  what  had  been  a  serious  and  alarming 
cause  of  anxiety.  This  pacific  result,  as  well  as 
others  which  he  has  accomplished,  Mr.  Clay  pro- 
duced as  much  by  personal  appeals,  and  indivi- 
dual applications,  as  by  his  public  speeches.  He 
left  no  mode  or  effort  of  conciliation  untried,  and 
spared  himself  no  labor. 

At  the  close  of  this  session  of  Congress,  Mr. 
Clay  retired,  as  he  supposed,  from  public  life. 
He  had  become  embarrassed  in  his  pecuniary 
relations  by  the  misfortunes  of  a  friend  for  whom 
he  had  endorsed ;  and  desired,  by  resuming  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  to  retrieve  his  affairs. 
There  was  now  a  season  of  repose  in  the  national 
councils.  The  House,  at  this  session,  approved 
Mr.  Clay's  policy  in  reference  to  the  South  Ame- 
rican republics,  as  developed  in  his  frequent 
speeches,  by  passing  a  resolution  that  they  were 
ready  to  second  the  President,  whenever  he 
should  deem  it  advisable  to  recognise  their  inde- 
pendence. The  treaty  with  Spain,  now  ratified, 
removed  all  danger  of  collision  with  that  power, 
by  the  acquisition  of  Florida  and  the  cession  of 
15* 


174  LIFE     OF 

Texas;  thus  cancelling  all  foreign  governments 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  accurately  defining 
our  limits  on  the  west. 

But  although  Mr.  Clay  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
National  Legislature  with  a  view  to  private  life, 
his  fellow-citizens  could  not  forego  his  important 
public  services.  He  was  appointed  in  1821,  in 
connection  with  Mr.  Bibb,  to  adjust  certain  con- 
flicting land  claims  with  the  State  of  Virginia. 
Through  the  loose  manner  in  which  Virginia  had 
disposed  of  her  public  lands  before  Kentucky  was 
erected  into  a  State,  land-titles  in  Kentucky  were 
often  insecure.  The  Legislature  of  Kentucky 
had  passed  a  law  by  which,  though  a  resident 
was  dispossessed  by  the  proof  of  a  prior  title,  the 
claimant  should  pay  for  the  permanent  improve- 
ments. The  principle  of  this  law  was  contested, 
and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
decided  against  it.  Mr.  Clay's  mission  was  to 
procure,  from  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  some 
arrangement  by  which  this  difficulty  could  be 
avoided.  The  result  was  the  appointment  of 
commissioners — Hon.  B.  W.  Leigh  on  the  part  of 
Virginia,  and  Mr.  Clay  on  the  part  of  Kentucky. 
Their  labors  were  only  in  part  successful;  but 
the  service  in  which  Mr.  Clay  was  employed  was 


HENRY    CLAY.  175 

one  of  the  proudest  rewards  of  his  early  applica- 
tion and  industry. 

The  poor  boy,  who  left  Virginia  thirty  years 
before  to  seek  his  fortune,  now  returned  to  Rich- 
mond, the  scene  of  his  earl}'  struggles,  the 
honored  representative  of  a  sister  State.  He 
brought  with  him  the  character  of  a  profound 
lawyer,  an  accomplished  legislator,  an  able  diplo- 
matist, and  a  powerful  orator.  His  reputation 
preceded  him  in  all  that  he  undertook,  and  the 
prestige  of  his  name  was  almost  the  assurance  of 
success.  As  may  readily  be  supposed,  his  pre- 
sence in  Richmond,  and  the  knowledge  of  his 
mission,  attracted  a  large  concourse  of  people. 
Mr.  Clay  found  it  one  of  the  most  trying  occa- 
sions of  his  life.  On  the  way  to  Richmond  he 
had  visited  the  "Slashes" — the  grave  of  his 
father,  the  scenes  of  his  childhood ;  and  the  visit 
had  re-awakened  in  his  mind  the  memories  of 
other  years,  and  the  feelings  with  which  he  had 
left  his  home  to  become  a  pioneer  in  the  com- 
parative wilderness  of  Kentucky. 

The  hall  of  the  delegates  was  crowded  on  the 
day  of  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Clay  before  them. 
There  he  saw  all  who  survived  of  the  old  men 
who  were  in  their  prime  in  his  boyhood,  and  who 


176  LIFE    OP 

befriended  his  youth.  He  met  on  terms  of  more 
than  equality,  the  representatives  of  the  families 
to  association  with  whom  the  shop-boy  could 
hardly  have  dared  to  hope.  He  found-  himself 
in  the  presence  of  an  auditory  distinguished  for 
culture  and  intellect ;  and  he  was  under  the  in- 
fluence of  emotions  which  must  either  entirely 
enervate  him,  or  raise  him  above  himself. 

But  he  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  He  de- 
picted, in  language  flowing  from  a  feeling  heart, 
the  misfortunes  of  those  —  his  neighbors  and 
friends  —  whose  case  he  had  come  to  plead.  He 
described  the  pioneer  crossing  the  Alleghanies, 
with  no  possession  save  his  stout  heart  and  strong 
arm.  He  painted  the  perils  from  wild  beasts  and 
savage  men ;  he  described  the  reward,  in  the 
results  of  fortitude,  courage,  and  patient  industry. 
He  brought  forward  the  picture  of  the  lord  of 
the  soil,  rich  in  the  earnings  of  his  own  hands 
—  happy  in  his  domestic  relations  —  looking  with 
complacency  on  the  inheritance  he  could  devise 
to  his  children  —  then  suddenly  reversing  the 
picture,  described  his  ejectment  that  another 
might  reap  the  reward  of  his  labors.  The  pic- 
ture  of  disappointment  and  unhappiness  which 


HENKT    CLAY.  177 

he  drew  moved  his  audience  almost  to  tears  — ■ 
nor  was  the  speaker  unaffected.  Henry  Clay 
was  no  actor,  and  counterfeited  no  emotion 
which  he  did  not  feel ;  and  he  never  was  so  elo- 
quent as  when  advocating  the  cause  of  the 
oppressed  or  the  unfortunate.  His  old  friends 
heard  with  their  own  ears,  the  evidence  that 
their  expectations  relative  to  the  Mill-Boy  of  the 
Slashes,  had  not  been  disappointed. 


178  LIFE    OP 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

MR.  CLAY'S  RE-ELECTION  TO  CONGRESS — CHOSEN  SPEAKER 
GREECE RECEPTION  OF  LAFAYETTE. 

After  nearly  three  years'  absence  from  Con- 
gress, Mr.  Clay  was  persuaded  to  re-enter  the 
House.  He  was  elected  without  opposition,  and 
was,  as  before,  chosen  to  the  Speakership ;  re- 
ceiving 139  votes,  against  40,  which  were  cast 
for  Mr.  Barbour,  of  Virginia,  the  late  Speaker. 
In  taking  the  Chair,  he  made,  as  was  his  custom, 
some  pertinent  remarks. 

At  this  session,  Mr.  Clay's  love  of  freedom  had 
a  new  channel  for  its  exercise.  The  independ- 
ence of  the  South  American  republics  had  been 
formally  acknowledged,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
President,  during  Mr.  Clay's  absence  from  Con- 
gress. Daniel  Webster  brought  forward  a  resolu- 
tion that  provision  should  be  made  for  the 
appointment  of  a  commissioner  to  Greece.  Mr. 
Clay  heartily  supported  this   resolution.     Presi- 


HENRY    CLAY.  179 

dent  Monroe  had  referred  to  the  condition  of 
Greece,  then  struggling  for  liberty,  in  two  annual 
messages ;  but  had  made  no  suggestion  relative 
to  action.  The  following  are  extracts  from  the 
speech  of  Mr.  Clay,  while  the  subject  was  under 
debate : 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  is  it  not  extraordinary  that 
for  these  two  successive  years,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  should  have  been  freely  in- 
dulged, not  only  without  censure,  but  with  uni- 
versal approbation,  to  express  the  feelings  which 
the  resolution  proclaims,  and  yet,  if  this  House 
venture  to  unite  with  him,  the  most  awful  conse- 
quences are  to  ensue?  From  Maine  to  Georgia, 
and  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  the  sentiment  of  approbation  has  blazed 
with  the  rapidity  of  electricity.  Everywhere  the 
interest  in  the  Grecian  cause  is  felt  with  the 
deepest  intensity,  expressed  in  every  form,  and 
increases  with  every  new  day  and  passing  hour. 
And  are  the  representatives  of  the  people  alone 
to  be  insulated  from  the  common  moral  atmo- 
sphere of  the  whole  land  ?  Shall  we  shut  our- 
selves up  in  apathy,  and  separate  ourselves  from 
our  country,  from  our  constituents,  from  our 
Chief  Magistrate,  from  our  principles  ? 


180  LIFE     OF 

"  The  measure  has  been  most  unreasonably 
magnified.  Gentlemen  speak  of  the  watchful 
jealousy  of  the  Turk,  and  seem  to  think  the 
slightest  movement  of  this  body  will  be  matter 
of  serious  speculation  at  Constantinople.  I 
believe  that  neither  the  Sublime  Porte,  nor  the 
European  allies,  attach  any  such  exaggerated 
importance  to  the  acts  and  deliberations  of  this 
body.  The  Turk  will,  in  all  probability,  never 
hear  the  names  of  the  gentlemen  who  either 
espouse  or  oppose  the  resolution.  It  certainly  is 
not  without  a  value;  but  that  value  is  altogether 
moral. 

"  Are  we  so  mean,  so  base,  so  despicable,  that 
we  may  not  attempt  to  express  our  horror,  utter 
our  indignation,  at  the  most  brutal  and  atrocious 
war  that  ever  stained  earth,  or  shocked  high 
Heaven  ?  at  the  ferocious  deeds  of  a  savage  and 
infuriated  soldiery,  stimulated  and  urged  on  by 
the  priests  of  a  fanatical  and  inimical  religion, 
and  rioting  in  all  the  extremes  of  blood  and 
butchery — at  the  mere  details  of  which  the  heart 
sickens  and  recoils? 

"  If  the  great  body  of  Christendom  can  look 
on  so  calmly  and  coolly,  while  all  this  is  perpe- 
trated on  a  Christian  people  in  its  own  immediate 


HENRY    CLAY.  181 

vicinity  —  in  its  very  presence  ->—  let  us  at  least 
evince,  that  one  of  its  remote  extremities  is  sus- 
ceptible of  sensibility  to  Christian  wrongs,  and 
capable  of  sympathy  for  Christian  sufferings ; 
that  in  this  remote  quarter  of  the  world,  there 
are  hearts  not  yet  closed  against  compassion  for 
human  woes;  that  can  pour  out  their  indignant 
feelings  at  the  oppression  of  a  people  endeared  to 
us  by  every  ancient  recollection,  and  by  every 
modern  tie.  Sir,  attempts  have  been  made  to 
alarm  the  committee  by  the  clangers  to  our  com- 
merce in  the  Mediterranean ;  and  a  wretched 
invoice  of  figs  and  opium  has  been  spread  before 
us,  to  repress  our  sensibilities,  and  to  eradicate 
our  humanity.  Ah,  Sir,  '  what  shall  it  profit  a 
man  if  he  gain  the  whole  world,  and  lose  his  own 
soul  ?'  or  what  shall  it  avail  a  nation  to  save  the 
whole  of  a  miserable  trade,  and  lose  its  liberties  ? 
The  resolution,  though  moved  by  Mr.  Webster, 
and  defended  with  so  much  zeal  and  eloquence  by 
Mr.  Clay,  did  not  pass.  But  we  may  add  here, 
to  save  future  reference  to  the  same  theme,  that 
during  the  administration  of  John  Q.  Adams, 
while  Henry  Clay  was  Secretary  of  State,  the 
independence  of  Greece  was  recognised,  (the 
United  States  being  the  first  nation  to  render  the 

16 


182  LIFE    OF 

classic  land  this  justice)  and  a  Minister  was  sent 
to  Greece. 

In  1824,  General  Lafayette  arrived  in  this 
country — the  nation's  guest.  Congress  had 
passed  a  resolution  placing  a  national  vessel  at 
his  service,  but  he,  with  characteristic  modesty, 
preferred  to  come  in  a  packet-ship.  He  landed 
at  Castle  Garden,  New  York,  on  the  16th  of 
August ;  and  was  received  with  demonstrations 
of  respect,  gratitude,  and  affection,  which  wel- 
comed and  attended  him  wherever  he  appeared 
in  the  United  States.  It  is  not  within  our  scope 
to  recount  the  incidents  of  his  progress,  but  his 
reception  by  the  House  of  Representatives  is  a 
part  of  the  narrative  of  the  life  of  Henry  Clay. 
Upon  him,  as  Speaker  of  the  House,  devolved 
the  duty  of  welcoming  the  distinguished  friend 
of  his  country;  and  he  performed  that  grateful 
office  in  the  following  words : 

"  General  —  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States,  impelled  alike  by  its  own 
feelings,  and  by  those  of  the  whole  American 
people,  could  not  have  assigned  to  me  a  more 
pleasant  duty,  than  that  of  being  its  organ  to 
present  to  you  cordial  congratulations  upon  the 
occasion   of  your  recent   arrival   in   the  United 


HENRY    CLAY.  183 

States,  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  Congress, 
and  to  assure  you  of  the  very  high  satisfaction 
which  your  presence  affords  on  this  early  theatre 
of  your  glory  and  renown.  Although  but  few  of 
the  members  which  compose  this  body,  shared 
with  you  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  all  have 
a  knowledge  —  from  impartial  his.tory  or  from 
faithful  tradition  —  of  the  perils,  the  sufferings, 
and  the  sacrifices  which  you  have  voluntarily 
encountered,  and  the  signal  services  in  America 
and  in  Europe,  which  you  performed  for  an  in- 
fant, a  distant,  and  an  alien  people;  and  all  feel 
and  own  the  great  extent  of  obligations  under 
which  you  have  placed  our  country.  But  the 
relations  in  which  you  have  ever  stood  to  the 
United  States,  interesting  and  important  as  they 
have  ever  been,  do  not  constitute  the  only  motive 
of  the  respect  and  admiration  which  this  House 
entertains  for  you.  Your  consistency  of  charac- 
ter, your  uniform  devotion  to  regulated  liberty  in 
all  the  vicissitudes  of  a  long  and  arduous  life, 
also  command  its  highest  admiration.  During 
all  the  recent  convulsions  of  Europe,  amidst,  as 
after  the  dispersion  of  every  political  storm,  the 
people  of  the  United  States  have  ever  beheld  you 
true  to  your  old  principles,  firm  ard  erect,  cheer- 


184  LIFE    OF 

ing  and  animating,  with  your  well-known  voice, 
the  votaries  of  liberty ;  its  faithful  and  fearless 
champion,  ready  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  that 
blood,  which  here  you  so  freely  and  nobly  shed 
in  the  same  holy  cause. 

"  The  vain  wish  has  been  sometimes  indulged, 
that  Providence  would  allow  the  patriot,  after 
death,  to  return  to  his  country,  and  to  contem- 
plate the  intermediate  changes  which  had  taken 
place  —  to  view  the  forests  felled,  the  cities  built, 
the  mountains  levelled,  the  canals  cut,  the  high- 
ways constructed,  the  progress  of  the  arts,  the 
advancement  of  learning,  and  the  increase  of 
population.  General,  your  present  visit  to  the 
United  States  is  the  realisation  of  the  consoling 
object  of  that  wish.  You  are  in  the  midst  of 
posterity !  Everywhere  you  must  have  been 
struck  with  the  great  changes,  physical  and  moral, 
which  have  occurred  since  you  left  us.  Even  this 
very  city,  bearing  a  venerated  name  alike  en- 
deared to  you  and  to  us,  has  since  emerged  from 
the  forest  which  then  covered  its  site.  In  one 
respect  you  behold  us  unaltered,  and  that  is  in 
this  sentiment  of  continued  devotion  to  liberty, 
and  of  ardent  affection  and  profound  gratitude  to 
your  departed  friend,  the  father  of  his  country, 


HENRY     CLAY.  185 

and  to  your  illustrious  associates  in  the  fit  Id  and 
in  the  cabinet,  for  the  multiplied  blessings  which 
surround  us,  and  for  the  very  privilege  of  address- 
ing you,  which  I  now  exercise.  This  sentiment, 
now  fondly  cherished  by  more  than  ten  millions 
of  people,  will  be  transmitted,  with  unabated 
vigor,  down  the  tide  of  time,  through  the  count- 
less millions  who  are  destined  to  inhabit  this 
continent,  to  the  latest  posterity." 

To  this  address,  General  Lafayette  made  a 
graceful  and  grateful  reply.  He  was  afterward 
Mr.  Clay's  guest  at  Ashland ;  and  while  the  dis- 
tinguished Frenchman  lived,  he  entertained  for 
the  American  statesman  a  respect  which  rose  to 
admiration,  and  a  friendship  which  had  the 
warmth  of  affection.  "  That  is  the  man  whom  1 
hope  to  see  President  of  the  United  States,"  said 
Lafayette  in  1832  —  pointing  to  a  portrait  of 
Henry  Clay,  which  hung  in  his  country-house. 
But  it  was  a  hope  in  which  thousands  of  the 
admirers  of  the  great  statesman  were  disap- 
pointed. 


1G: 


186  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ELECTION  OF  J.  Q.  ADAMS  —  HIS    TESTIMONY  TO    MR.  CLAY 

MR.  CLAY  IN  THE   CAEINET — THE  PANAMA  MISSION 

MR.  RANDOLPH  AND  MR.  CLAY — THEIR  LAST  INTERVIEW. 

In  1825,  John  Quincy  Adams  commenced  his 
administration,  with  Henry  Clay  as  his  Secretary 
of  State.  There  were  four  candidates  for  the 
office  of  President  —  Andrew  Jackson,  who  had 
ninety-nine  votes ;  John  Quincy  Adams,  eighty- 
four;  William  H.  Crawford,  forty-one;  and 
Henry  Clay,  thirty-seven.  By  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  when  there  is  a  failure  to 
elect  a  President  by  the  votes  of  the  electors,  the 
House  of  Representatives  designate  one  of  the 
three  highest  candidates.  Mr.  Clay  was  thus 
ruled  out,  being  the  lowest  in  number,  of  four. 
As  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
he  gave  his  vote  to  John  Quincy  Adams.  The 
mode  of  election  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
is  by  States.     Adams  received  the  votes  of  thir- 


HENRY    CLAY.  187 

teen  States,  Jackson  of  seven,  and  Crawford  of 
four.  We  shall  not  need  here  to  disprove  the 
charge  made  against  Mr.  Clay,  that  there  was  a 
bargain  between  him  and  Mr.  Adams,  by  which 
he  gave  Mr.  Adams  his  support,  and  received  in 
return  the  office  of  Secretary.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  the  charge,  having  served  its  temporary 
electioneering  purposes,  has  been  abundantly  dis- 
proved, and  of  late  years  forgotten.  Mr.  Adams 
has,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  solemnly  pro- 
claimed the  charge  false ;  and  we  find  him  in 
reference  to  it  using  the  following  language,  not 
more  emphatic  than  it  is  just : 

"  As  to  my  motives  for  tendering  to  him  the 
department  of  State  when  I  did,  let  that  man 
who  questions  them  come  forward.  Let  him 
look  round  among  statesmen  and  legislators  of 
this  nation,  and  of  that  day.  Let  him  then  select 
and  name  the  man  whom,  by  his  pre-eminent 
talents,  by  his  splendid  services,  by  his  ardent 
patriotism,  by  his  all-embracing  public  spirit,  by 
his  fervid  eloquence  in  behalf  of  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  mankind,  by  his  long  experience  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Union,  foreign  and  domestic,  a 
President  of  the  United  States,  intent  only  upon 
the  honor  and  welfare  of  his  country,  ought  tc 


188  LIFE    OF 

have  preferred  to  Henry  Clay.  Let  him  name 
that  man,  and  then  judge  you,  fellow-citizens,  of 
my  motives." 

Mr.  Clay  justified  the  wisdom  of  Mr.  Adams  in 
his  choice.  We  may  remark  that  Mr.  Adams 
also  invited  Mr.  Crawford  into  his  cabinet,  but 
that  gentleman  did  not  accept.  Had  he  seen  fit 
to  take  place  under  Mr.  Adams,  the  rare  spec- 
tacle would  have  been  presented  of  three  men, 
whom  citizens  of  the  United  States  deemed  com- 
petent to  sit  in  the  Executive  chair,  occupying 
the  high  places  of  the  government  together.  Mr. 
Adams's  administration,  so  far  as  the  distribution 
of  office  was  concerned,  was  eminently  national, 
and  not  partisan.  He  did  nothing  to  procure  his 
re-nomination,  or  to  continue  himself  in  office. 
His  measures  were  marked  by  independence  in 
his  domestic  administration,  and  by  manliness  in 
his  foreign  intercourse.  The  stamp  of  Mr.  Clay's 
policy  was  upon  all  the  measures  upon  which  he 
was  consulted,  or  which  legitimately  fell  within 
his  department;  and  he  proved  no  less  efficient  as 
a  Cabinet  Minister,  than  he  had  been  as  a  Repre- 
sentative of  the  people  in  Congress.  Wherever 
he  was  placed,  he  was  always  a  leader;  for  his 
mighty    mind    commanded    pre-eminence.      He 


HENRY    CLAY.  189 

followed  up  in  his  new  sphere  the  leading  mea- 
sures of  his  life;  preserving,  in  the  treaties  with 
foreign  nations  which  he  negotiated,  his  princi- 
ples respecting  American  industry  and  true  in- 
dependence Through  the  foreign  diplomatic 
relations  of  the  country,  he  found  means  to 
forward  the  recognition,  by  other  powers,  of 
South  American  and  of  Grecian  independence. 

In  the  year  1825,  the  Spanish-American  Re- 
publics invited  the  United  States  to  meet,  at 
Panama,  delegates  from  those  republics,  to  deli- 
berate on  measures  for  the  promotion  of  union 
and  mutual  assistance.  Messrs.  John  Sergeant 
and  Richard  C.  Anderson  were  appointed  agents 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Clay,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  furnished  them  with  a  letter 
of  instructions.  In  this  document,  he  defended 
the  most  philanthropic  national  policy  in  war, 
and  the  most  liberal  and  enlightened  measures  in 
peace.  All  his  diplomatic  correspondence  was 
worthy  of  the  man  and  of  the  republic. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that  an 
administration  coming  into  power  against  such 
exasperated  opposition  as  Mr.  Adams  encountered, 
could  escape  detraction.  The  measures  of  govern- 
ment were  freely  canvassed  in  the  Senate ;  and 


190  LIFE    OF 

upon  the  Panama  Mission,  Mr.  Randolph,  who  had 
now  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  commented  with  ex- 
ceeding bitterness.  His  old  exasperation  against 
Mr.  Clay  seemed  to  have  increased  in  rancor, 
and  he  used  language  in  reference  to  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Secretary  of  State,  for  which  mental 
infirmity  could  alone  be  urged  in  extenuation. 
Unhappily,  Mr.  Clay  was  tempted  to  demand  ex- 
planation or  retraction.  Mr.  Randolph  refused, 
and  a  hostile  meeting  followed.  Thus  a  second 
time  was  Mr.  Clay  betrayed  into  the  criminal  folly 
of  a  duel.  "  It  was  a  grievous  fault,"  and  Mr. 
Clay  was  made  "  grievously  to  answer  it."  There 
is  no  doubt,  that  more  than  anything  else,  the 
charge  of  being  a  duellist  was  effective  against 
his  hopes  and  prospects,  in  those  portions  of  the 
United  States  where  duelling  is  held  in  its  proper 
detestation.  The  immediate  cause  of  irritation  in 
this  case,  was  the  application  of  an  epithet  to  Mr. 
Clay  by  Randolph,  which  implied  that  he  was  a 
gambler.  It  was  one  of  a  long  series  of  premedi- 
tated insults,  intended,  it  is  supposed,  to  provoke 
a  duel;  but  which  a  man  like  Henry  Clay  should, 
in  any  case,  have  been  above  resenting. 

We  may  here  take  occasion  to  say,  that,  in  the 
manner  in  which  Mr.  Randolph  applied  the  term 


HENRY     CLAY.  191 

used  to  Mr.  Clay,  it  was  unjust.  There  are  iu 
some  parts  of  our  country  —  or  have  been,  for  we 
hope  the  public  mind  is  growing  sounder  upon 
the  subject — certain  conventional  rules  of  society, 
which  make  games  of  chance  a  reputable  amuse- 
ment under  certain  circumstances.  These  rules 
Mr.  Clay  never  transgressed,  even  in  the  days  of 
his  youth.  He  never  played  at  a  public  table  or 
in  a  gambling-house.  Before  Mr.  Randolph  made 
that  charge,  Mr.  Clay  had  ceased  to  play  at  games 
of  hazard.  Yet,  his  political  enemies  succeeded 
at  one  time  in  producing  an  impression  that  he 
was  what  Mr.  Randolph  termed  him.  No  man  is 
perfect,  and  we  claim  no  perfection  for  Henry 
Clay.  But  now  that  the  earth  covers  his  re- 
mains, we  may  defend  his  memory  from  unjust 
aspersions,  while  we  do  not  conceal  the  truth,  or 
deny  the  reader  the  warning  which  his  example 
affords,  that  we  should  not  only  avoid  evil,  but 
"  every  appearance  of  evil." 

The  duel  between  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Randolph 
was  without  any  wound  to  either.  As  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph's name  will  not  occur  again  in  this  book, 
this  is  a  proper  place  to  mention  these  last  inter- 
views. In  1833,  a  few  weeks  before  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph s  death,  he  came  to  the  Senate  chamber, 


192  LIFE    OF 

being  too  ill  to  stand  or  walk  without  assistance, 
Mr.  Clay  had  just  risen  to  make  some  remarks. 
"  Help  me  up,"  said  Mr.  Randolph  to  his  half- 
brother,  Mr.  B.  Tucker;  "  I  have  come  to  hear  that 
voice."  Mr.  Clay  went  to  him  as  soon  as  he 
had  concluded  his  remarks,  and  exchanged  salu- 
tations. It  is  pleasant  to  hear  that  they  were 
thus  reconciled;  the  more  especially  that  through 
their  long  official  life,  there  had  been  so  many 
causes  of  irritation  between  them.  It  was  Mr. 
Clay's  practice  to  avoid  Mr.  Randolph,  when  he 
knew  that  the  eccentric  man  meditated  an  affront. 
But  his  situation  as  Speaker  was  one  of  peculiar 
difficulty,  since,  in  enforcing  order,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  cross  the  erratic  gentleman's  path,  and 
occasionally  to  compel  him  to  sit  down.  Mr. 
Clay,  however,  was  always  an  impartial  presiding 
officer;  and  it  is  related  of  him,  that  though  for 
so  many  years  Speaker  of  the  House,  there  was 
seldom  an  appeal  against  his  decisions ;  and 
during  the  latter  years  of  his  Speakership,  no 
dispute  with  him  upon  points  of  order.  Indeed, 
he  may  be  said  to  have  established  the  usage  of 
the  House  in  many  particulars ;  and  to  have 
served  his  country  as  usefully  in  his  sphere,  as 
any  other  of  her  statesmen,  or  any  of  her  warriors. 


HENRY    CLAY.  193 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

MR.  CLAY'S    RETIREMENT HIS  ELECTION  TO  THE  SENATE 

REMOVAL  OF  THE  DEPOSITES EXPUNGING  RESOLU- 
TION  THE  COMPROMISE  TARIFF. 

Mr.  Clay's  health  had  suffered  very  much 
during  his  residence  in  Washington,  and  the  close 
of  his  official  position  as  Secretary  of  State  was 
by  no  means  unwelcome  to  him.  A  pleasant 
anecdote  is  related  of  his  homeward  journey. 
Twenty-five  years  ago  there  were  none  of  the 
railroad  facilities  which  now  make  travelling  a 
pastime.  It  was  a  laborious  and  very  fatiguing 
task  to  make  long  journeys.  Mr.  Clay  was 
entering  Union  town,  Pennsylvania,  on  an  outside 
seat  of  the  stage-coach,  a  place  he  had  taken  in 
preference  to  the  inside.  The  citizens  of  Union- 
town  expressed  some  surprise  at  seeing  the  Ex- 
Secretary  in  that  high  and  exposed  situation. 
"Gentlemen,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "although  I  am 
with  the  outs,  the  ins  behind  me  have  much  the 
worst  of  it !" 

17 


194  LIFE    OF 

For  two  years  Mr.  Clay  remained  in  retire- 
ment—  if  that  life  may  be  called  retirement,  the 
quiet  of  which  is  frequently  broken  by  the  hospi- 
talities of  admiring  friends.  Wherever  Mr.  Clay 
moved  abroad,  he  met  the  warmest  demonstra- 
tions of  popular  affection.  His  friends  were 
anxious  to  show  their  estimate  of  the  unfounded 
allegation  of  "  bargain,"  which  had  been  so  suc- 
cessfully used  against  him;  and  not  a  few,  pro- 
bably, of  his  political  opponents,  were  willing 
enough  to  compliment  the  man  in  a  way  which 
did  not  commit  their  votes,  or  advance  his  politi- 
cal prospects.  He  was  pressed  to  accept  a  nomi- 
nation to  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  declined  both. 

In  1831  the  Kentucky  Legislature  elected  him 
to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States ;  and  in  the 
same  year  Mr.  Clay  was  a  second  time  nominated 
for  the  office  of  Presidency  of  the  Union.  We 
may  mention  here  the  well-known  result.  Gene- 
ral Jackson  was  in  1832  re-elected  by  a  very 
large  majority,  receiving  219  votes,  and  Henry 
Clay  49.  Eighteen  votes  were  cast  for  John 
Floyd  and  William  Wirt.  General  Jackson  wras 
at  this  time  at  the  height  of  his  prosperity.  He 
had  refused  his  assent  to  the  recharter  of  the 


HENRY     CLAY.  195 

Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  his  course  in  this 
respect  proved  eminently  popular.  Unfortunately 
for  themselves  as  a  party,  the  Whigs,  as  the  sup- 
porters of  Mr.  Clay  were  called,  made  first  the 
re-charter  of  the  old  bank,  and  afterward  the 
establishment  of  a  new  one,  a  leading  measure  of 
their  p>olicy.  The  unprejudiced  observer  cannot 
do  otherwise  than  confess,  that  among  the  conse- 
quences of  the  defeat  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  the-  failure  of  the  State  Bank,  after- 
ward chartered  in  Pennsylvania,  and  miscalled 
by  the  name  of  the  old  National  Institution,  is  to 
be  reckoned  loss  and  defeat  to  the  Whig  party. 
In  a  previous  chapter  we  have  said  all  that  our 
plan  includes  relative  to  the  subject.  We  may 
here  observe,  that  some  of  the  most  brilliant 
oratorical  efforts  of  Mr.  Clay  during  his  later 
services  in  the  Senate,  were  in  opposition  to 
President  Jackson's  financial  measures.  The 
withdrawal  of  the  public  money  from  the  custody 
of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  commonly 
spoken  of  as  "  the  removal  of  the  deposites,"  was 
an  act  the  legality  of  which  was  strongly  dis- 
puted ;  and  the  Senate,  26  to  20,  passed,  in 
March,  1833,  a  resolution  "  that  the  President, 
in  the  late  executive  proceedings  in  relation  to 


196  LIFE    OF 

the  public  revenue,  has  assumed  upon  himself 
authority  and  power  not  conferred  by  the  consti- 
tution and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both."  This 
resolution  was  introduced  and  supported  by  Mr. 
Clay.  The  President  sent  a  protest  to  the  Senate 
against  the  resolution,  which  that  body,  by  a  vote 
of  27  to  16,  refused  to  insert  in  the  journal.  By 
the  same  vote  they  declared  that  the  President 
of  the  United  States  has  no  right  to  send  a  pro- 
test to  the  Senate  against  any  of  its  proceedings. 
In  January,  1836,  a  resolution  was  passed  by  the 
efforts  of  Mr.  Benton,  a  warm  personal  friend  of 
the  President,  by  which  this  resolution  of  cen- 
sure was  cancelled  or  exchanged.  The  cancellation 
was  done  by  drawing  black  lines  around  it,  and 
Mr.  Benton  carried  away  the  pen  as  a  trophy. 
Through  the  whole  of  the  debates  to  which  Mr. 
Benton's  resolution  gave  rise,  Mr.  Clay  main- 
tained his  ground ;  but  changes  in  the  Senate  had 
produced  an  effective  majority  for  the  measure. 

This  term  of  Mr.  Clay's  service  in  the  Senate, 
from  1831  to  1837,  was  signalized  by  his  great 
Tariff  Compromise,  the  second  of  the  three  lead- 
ing efforts  of  patriotism  which  distinguished  his 
public  career.  The  tariff  of  1824,  in  support  of 
which  Mr.  Clay  made  one  of  his  most  celebrated 


HENET    CLAY.  197 

speeches,  had  now,  as  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends 
contended,  established  the  soundness  of  the  pro- 
tective policy,  and  elevated  the  business  interests 
of  the  country  and  its  general  prosperity,  to  a 
position  almost  unexampled.  In  1828,  while  Mr. 
Clay  was  Secretary  of  State,  the  tariff  of  1824 
was  altered,  and,  against  the  judgment  of  Mr, 
Clay,  made  exceedingly  obnoxious  to  the  oppo- 
nents of  protection.  These  difficulties  were, 
in  some  degree,  afterward  remedied,  and  the 
amended  and  re-amended  tariff  continued  a  short 
time  longer.  In  1831,  the  administration  indica- 
ted an  intention  to  alter  this  tariff,  in  order  to 
reduce  the  revenue  to  the  wants  of  government, 
for  which,  it  was  found,  the  customs  were  more 
than  adequate.  The  opponents  of  the  protective 
system  were  ready  to  seize  the  occasion  to  reduce 
the  tariff,  without  regard  to  the  principle  of 
protection — or  rather  with  a  view  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  protective  policy.  Mr.  Clay  antici- 
pated them  by  introducing  a  resolution,  the 
purport  of  which  was,  that  duties  on  articles 
imported  from  foreign  countries,  not  coming  in 
competition  with  American  articles,  ought  forth- 
with to  be  abolished.  As  the  resolution  did 
not  permit  the  leading  principle  of  the  systeia 

17* 


198  LIFE    OF 

to  be  touched,  it  was  vigorously  opposed  by  the 
opponents  of  protection,  and  ably  defended  by 
Mr.  Clay.  A  bill  was  reported  in  compliance 
with  this  resolution,  and  passed  at  the  close  of  a 
long  session.  The  act,  as  passed,  was  a  triumph 
for  Mr.  Clay,  as  it  preserved  the  great  principle 
for  which  he  had  all  his  life  contended. 

The  enemies  of  the  protective  system  were  not 
yet  satisfied.  The  State  of  South  Carolina,  in 
particular,  was  exceedingly  discontented,  and  the 
famous  nullification  measures  of  that  State  fol- 
lowed upon  the  tariff  of  1831.  President  Jack- 
son, on  the  10th  of  December,  1832,  issued  his 
proclamation,  announcing  that  the  revenue  laws 
must  be  enforced.  Governor  Hayne  of  South 
Carolina  answered  the  President  in  a  counter 
proclamation.  A  bill  was  brought  forward  in  the 
United  States  House  of  Representatives,  reducing 
the  duties  on  all  protected  articles;  and  in  the 
Senate,  a  bill  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the 
revenue,  wherever  opposition  was  offered. 

It  was  a  stormy  crisis.  Civil  war  seemed  im- 
pending ;  for  the  hot  spirits  in  South  Carolina, 
who  had  threatened  opposition  to  the  Federal 
Government,  seemed  in  danger  of  being  forced 
by  their  own  acts  into  collision;  and  none  who 


HENRY    CLAY.  199 

knew  the  stern  character  of  the  President, 
doubted  that  he  would  employ  all  the  means 
within  his  reach  to  enforce  the  laws  of  the  Union, 
at  whatever  sacrifice.  In  this  juncture,  the 
House  Tariff  Bill  still  being  pending,  Mr.  Clay 
brought  forward  his  famous  Compromise  Tariff. 
The  main  feature  of  the  bill  was,  that  it  provided 
for  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  Tariff  until  1842, 
when  a  twenty  per  centum  should  be  the  rate  of 
duties,  until  otherwise  provided  by  law.  It 
passed  both  Houses  by  quite  a  large  majority, 
considering  the  state  of  parties,  the  vote  being 
120  to  84  in  the  House,  and  29  to  16  in  the 
Senate.  The  storm  subsided  :  the  country  was 
quieted,  and  Mr.  Clay  stood  proudly  before  his 
countrymen,  as  the  man  who  had  averted  col- 
lision between  a  State  and  the  Federal  adminis- 
tration, and  still  maintained  the  principle  of 
protection.  There  were  not  wanting  some  angry 
spirits  who  would  have  been  glad  to  find  the 
question  of  resistance  brought  to  the  test  of 
force.     To  such  Mr.  Clay  said  : 

"  If  there  be  any  who  want  civil  war,  who 
want  to  see  the  blood  of  any  portion  of  our  coun- 
trymen spilt,  I  am  not  one  of  them.  I  wish  to 
gee  war  of  no  kind ;  but,  above  all,  I  do  not  de- 


200  LIFE    OF 

sire  to  see  a  civil  war.  When  war  begins,  whe- 
ther civil  or  foreign,  no  human  sight  is  competent 
to  foresee  when,  or  how,  or  where  it  is  to  termi- 
nate. But  when  a  civil  war  shall  be  lighted  up 
in  the  bosom  of  our  own  happy  land,  and  enemies 
are  marching,  and  commanders  are  winning  their 
victories,  and  fleets  are  in  motion  on  our  coast, 
tell  me,  if  you  can,  tell  me  if  any  human  being 
can,  tell  its  duration.  God  only  knows  where 
such  a  war  would  end.  In  what  a  state  will  our 
institutions  be  left?  In  what  a  state  our  liber- 
ties ?  I  want  no  war ;  above  all,  no  war  at  home. 
"  Sir,  I  repeat  that  I  think  South  Carolina  has 
been  rash,  intemperate  and  greatly  in  the  wrong ; 
but  I  do  not  want  to  disgrace  her,  or  any  other 
member  of  the  Union.  No :  I  do  not  want  to 
see  the  lustre  of  one  single  star  dimmed  of  our 
glorious  confederacy ;  still  less  do  I  wish  to  see  it 
blotted  out,  and  its  light  obliterated  for  ever.  Has 
not  the  State  of  South  Carolina  been  one  of  the 
members  of  this  Union  in  '  the  times  that  tried 
men's  souls?'  Have  not  her  ancestors  fought 
along-side  our  ancestors  ?  Have  we  not  conse* 
quently  won  many  a  glorious  battle  ?  If  we  had 
to  go  into  a  civil  war  with  such  a  State,  how 
would  it  terminate?     Whenever  it  should  have 


HENRY    CLAY.  201 

terminated,  what  would  be  her  condition?  If 
fihe  should  ever  return  to  the  Union,  what  would 
be  the  condition  of  her  feelings  and  affections  ? — 
what  the  state  of  the  heart  of  her  people  ?  She 
has  been  with  us  before  when  her  ancestors  min- 
gled in  the  throng  of  battle ;  and  as  I  hope  our 
posterity  will  mingle  with  hers,  for  centuries  to 
come,  in  the  united  defence  of  liberty,  and  for 
the  honor  and  glory  of  the  Union,  I  do  not  wish 
to  see  her  degraded  or  defaced  as  a  member  of 
this  confederacy." 

Such  was  Mr.  Clay's  policy  —  say  rather,  his 
humanity  —  whenever  unanimity  could  be  gained 
by  concession  and  kindness.  He  was  not  the  man 
to  force  his  point  in  an  offensive  manner,  or  heed- 
lessly to  exasperate.  And  in  the  sober  light  of 
approaching  age,  his  opinions  of  war  were  modi- 
fied from  the  bold  stand  which  he  took  in  the 
ardor  of  his  youthful  patriotism.  The  details  of 
his  conciliatory  plan  were  nurtured  by  consulta- 
tion with  practical  men,  as  well  as  politicians ; 
and  its  passage  was  secured  by  personal  inter- 
views and  private  conversation,  as  much  as  by 
public  efforts. 

Here  was  still  another  subject  upon  which  Mr. 
Clay  proved  himself  entitled  to  the  name  of  "  The 


202  LIFE    OF 

great  Pacificator."  The  government  of  France, 
in  1831,  agreed,  by  treaty,  to  pay  the  United 
States  Government  twenty-five  millions  of  francs 
for  aggressions  upon  American  commerce,  subse- 
quent to  1800.  The  first  instalment,  by  the  terms 
of  the  treaty,  was  to  be  paid  in  1832.  The  draft 
of  the  United  States  was  dishonored  by  the 
French  Minister  of  France,  no  provision  having 
been  made  to  meet  it.  The  President  recom- 
mended to  Congress  to  pass  an  act  authorizing 
reprisals  upon  French  property,  in  case  provision 
should  not  be  made  by  the  French  Chambers  at 
their  next  session,  for  the  fulfilment  of  the 
treaty.  The  subject  was  referred  to  the  Commit- 
tee of  the  Senate  on  Foreign  Relations,  of  which 
Mr.  Clay  was  Chairman.  Great  anxiety  had  ex- 
isted throughout  the  country  at  a  posture  of 
affairs  so  threatening;  but  Mr.  Clay's  report,  of 
which  the  Senate  ordered  the  printing  of  twenty 
thousand  copies,  restored  public  confidence.  It 
concluded  with  a  resolution  that  it  was  inexpe- 
dient to  vest  authority  in  the  Executive  to  make 
reprisals.  This  resolution  was  amended  to  read 
as  follows :  "  That  it  is  inexpedient,  at  present, 
to  adopt  any  legislative  action  in  regard  to  the 
etate  of  affairs    between  the  United  States  and 


HENRY    CLAY.  203 

France."  The  resolution  as  amended,  the  amend- 
ments being  cordially  accepted  by  Mr.  Clay,  was 
passed  unanimously.  The  country  was  saved 
from  war,  and  the  difficulty  between  France  and 
the  United  States  was  subsequently  arranged 
through  the  mediation  of  England. 


204  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XX. 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS — MR.  CLAY'S  DEMEANOR  UNDER 
DISAPPOINTMENT  —  RESIGNATION  OF  HIS    SEAT   IN   T3E 

SENATE. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  succeeded 
General  Jackson  in  1836,  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Clay  was  desired  to  accept  the 
nomination  in  competition  with  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
but  declined.  Mr.  Van  Buren  received  170  out 
of  294  electoral  votes,  General  Harrison  receiving 
73,  the  next  highest  number.  The  other  votes 
were  divided  among  White,  Webster,  and  Man- 
gum.  At  the  next  election,  in  1840,  Mr.  Clay 
was  not  a  candidate,  the  choice  of  the  Whig  Na- 
tional Convention  falling  on  General  Harrison. 
Harrison  was  elected  by  234  votes,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  receiving  60.  It  was  a  matter  of  deep 
regret  with  a  great  portion  of  the  American  peo- 
ple, that  Mr.  Clay  did  not  receive  the  nomination  ; 
and,  between  the  announcement  of  the  name  of 


HENRY     CLAY.  205 

the  candidate  and  the  time  of  the  election,  there 
was  quite  a  disposition  to  put  Mr.  Clay  up,  not- 
withstanding the  action  of  the  Convention  which 
nominated  Harrison.  But  Mr.  Clay  exerted  his 
influence  promptly  to  check  any  such  demonstra- 
tion. His  personal  wishes  were  secondary  to  his 
attachment  to  the  principles  of  which  he  con- 
sidered himself  the  representative  ;  and  he  cheer- 
fully consented  that  those  principles  should 
triumph  under  the  name  of  the  candidate  who, 
it  was  supposed,  would  promise  more  certainty  of 
victory.  We  cannot  resist  the  impression  now, 
so  triumphant  was  Harrison's  election,  that  Clay 
would  have  been  chosen,  had  he  been  nominated. 
Experience  has,  however,  demonstrated  that  the 
most  able  and  active  men  in  the  civil  service  of 
the  country,  by  the  conscientious  performance  of 
duty,  make  opponents  of  fractions  of  the  people, 
while  the  nation  as  a  whole  may  applaud  ;  and 
the  malcontents  unite  to  defeat  the  election  of 
the  man  of  note  and  power. 

General  Harrison  died  in  a  month  from  the 
day  of  his  inauguration,  and  Mr.  Tyler,  the  Vice 
President,  filled  his  term  of  office.  At  the  next 
election,  in  1844,  Mr.  Clay  was  put  in  nomina- 
tion under  greater  disadvantages  than  any  other 

18 


206  LIFE    OF 

candidate  ever  encountered.  He  had  the  politi- 
cal odium  of  two  defeats  to  contend  against; 
though  the  first,  in  1824,  should  hardly  have 
been  counted ;  and  in  the  second  he  had  to  con- 
tend against  the  unparalleled  popularity  of  Presi- 
dent Jackson.  A  worse  discouragement  than 
either,  was  the  doubt  which  his  friends  threw 
over  his  prospects,  by  their  abandonment  of  him 
in  1840.  Every  effort  was  made  to  secure  his 
success  in  1844,  but  all  could  not  avail  against 
the  discouraging  circumstances  which  we  have 
mentioned,  added  to  the  fact  that  he  had  been 
so  long  talked  about,  though  only  once  regularly 
nominated  before.  An  undue  confidence  was,  at 
a  late  day,  given  to  his  friends  by  the  unexpected 
nomination  of  a  candidate  comparatively  un- 
known, James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee.  The  can- 
vassing for  Mr.  Clay  was,  notwithstanding,  con- 
ducted with  so  much  apparent  enthusiasm,  that 
his  defeat  was  heard  with  mingled  surprise  and 
grief  by  those,  who,  had  they  suspected  the  need 
of  exertion,  might  have  given  a  different  result 
to  the  contest. 

Mr.  Clay  bore  his  misfortune — for  a  misfortune 
it  was  —  with  great  equanimity.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  he  did  not  deeply  feel  the  defeat. 


HENRY     CLAY.  207 

But  there  were  many  circumstances  of  relief  in 
the  result.  Though  Mr.  Polk  received  170  elec- 
toral votes,  and  Mr.  Clay  only  107,  yet  the  popular 
vote  for  Mr.  Clay  was  larger  by  many  thousands, 
than  General  Harrison  received  in  1840.  And 
the  expressions  of  attachment  and  of  regret  which 
were  conveyed  to  him,  official  and  individual,  and 
the  evidences  of  esteem  which  he  received  from 
all  sections  of  the  Union,  showed  the  singular 
anomaly  of  one  personally  better  beloved  than 
any  other  public  man  living,  yet  still  unable  to 
carry  the  popular  vote  against  party  tactics. 

In  the  canvass  of  1848,  many  of  Mr.  Clay's 
friends  still  adhered  to  their  old  friend  and  first 
choice.  Meanwhile,  a  new  candidate  for  the 
highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  had  been 
thrust  upon  public  attention.  Without  seeking, 
without  as  much  as  dreaming  of  the  possibility 
of  a  nomination  to  the  Presidency,  General  Zach- 
ary  Taylor  was  spontaneously  nominated  in  va- 
rious sections  of  the  country,  as  the  popular 
candidate  for  the  Presidency.  His  brilliant  mili- 
tary successes,  his  amiable  heartiness  and  sim- 
plicity of  character,  his  marked  position  as  a  hero 
and  popular  idol,  gave  him  a  prestige  of  success, 
which  the  Whig  National  Convention  at  Philadel- 


208  LIFE    OF 

phia  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  slight.  After  four 
ballotings,  General  Taylor  received  the  nomina- 
tion. He  was  elected  by  163  votes  over  General 
Cass,  who  received  127.  Mr.  Clay  must  have 
been  more  than  human,  not  to  have  felt  this 
neglect ;  but,  as  on  previous  occasions,  he  dis- 
played his  true  magnanimity;  for  if  he  did  not 
obtrude  himself  as  the  advocate  of  the  nomina- 
tion, he  positively  interdicted  the  putting  forward 
of  his  name  as  a  candidate  —  a  step  which  some 
of  his  friends  were  on  the  eve  of  taking.  Mr. 
Clay  never  advocated  the  preference  of  military 
over  civil  claims  for  civil  office.  The  honest  op- 
position which  he  made  to  General  Jackson,  and 
his  course  in  the  election,  which  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  Adams,  show  that  he  might  not  have 
favored  Taylor  as  President,  even  though  he  had 
no  personal  interest  in  the  matter. 

Having  now  connectedly  reviewed  the  later 
Presidential  elections,  in  which  Mr.  Clay  was 
interested,  we  resume  the  sketch  of  his  Senato- 
rial labors,  and  more  immediate  personal  history. 
During  the  twelve  years  preceding  his  death,  Mr, 
Clay  labored  as  earnestly  for  the  good  of  his 
country,  as  if  he  had  not  been  a  comparatively 
unrewarded  public  servant.     We  have  preferred 


HENRY     CLAY.  209 

to  dwell  at  most  length  upon  his  early  life,  since 
it  is  chiefly  for  his  young  countrymen  that  we  are 
writing;  and  to  such,  it  is  presumed  that  the  ac- 
count of  his  beginnings  in  life  will  be  alike  most 
interesting  and  useful. 

The  death  of  General  Harrison  obstructed  the 
measures  and  the  policy  contemplated  by  the 
leading  statesmen  in  the  party  who  had  elected 
him.  The  succession  of  Mr.  Tyler  exhibited 
opinions  held  by  that  gentleman,  for  which  Mr. 
Clay  and  his  friends  were  entirety  unprepared. 
Mr.  Clay  remained  in  the  Senate  until  the  close 
of  March,  1842,  actively  and  earnestly  employed 
in  the  furtherance  of  the  measures  which  he 
deemed  the  exigencies  of  the  country  required, 
and  then,  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  which  the 
death  of  General  Harrison  had  deferred,  resigned 
his  seat,  retiring,  as  he  supposed,  from  the  Senate 
for  ever.  His  farewell  address  was  most  impres- 
sive and  manly.  He  frankly  acknowledged  the 
ardor  and  warmth  of  temperament,  which  might 
have  made  him,  in  some  cases,  exceed  the  limits 
of  courtesy ;  and  while  he  tendered  apologies  to 
all  whom  he  might  have  offended,  declared,  with- 
out exception  and  reserve,  that  he  retired  from 

18* 


210  LIFE    OF 

the  Senate  without  carrying  with  him  a  feeling 
of  resentment  and  dissatisfaction. 

At  the  close  of  the  address,  Mr.  Preston  moved 
an  adjournment.  He  remarked  that  what  had 
just  taken  place,  was  an  epoch  in  their  legislative 
history;  and  from  the  feeling  which  was  evinced, 
he  saw  that  there  was  little  disposition  to  attend 
to  business.  The  adjournment  was  carried,  but 
still  the  members  kept  their  seats.  Mr.  Clay  rose 
and  moved  towards  the  area,  and  slowly  and 
reluctantly  the  Senate  dispersed,  as  if  loth  to 
believe  that  the  voice  to  which  they  had  so  often 
listened,  was  no  longer  to  be  the  life  of  their 
debates. 

An  affecting  and  pleasant  incident  marked  the 
occasion.  For  several  years  there  had  been  an 
estrangement  between  Clay  and  Calhoun.  The 
two  old  and  early  friends  met.  Their  eyes  filled, 
recent  differences  were  forgotten,  and,  with  a  cor- 
dial grasp  of  the  hand,  and  with  a  mutual  inter- 
change of  good  wishes,  they  departed. 


HENRY    CLAY.  211 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

MR.  CLAY'S  WITHDRAWAL   FROM    PUBLIC  LIFE  —  ANNEXA- 
TION   OF    TEXAS  —  THE    TARIFF LIBERALITY    OF    MR. 

CLAY'S     FRIENDS SPEECH    ON    THE    IRISH    FAMINE  — 

DEATH    OF   HENRY  CLAY,  JR. MR.  CLAY'S    BAPTISM  — 

HIS  JOURNEYS SPEECH  ON  COLONIZATION. 

For  seven  years  from  the  time  of  his  resigna- 
tion, Mr.  Clay  lived  in  private  life.  One  year 
of  his  Senatorial  term  remained  when  he  retired 
to  Kentucky.  But  of  the  life  of  such  a  man  as 
Mr.  Clay,  no  part  could  be  strictly  said  to  be  in 
retirement ;  for  wherever  he  moved,  the  enthu- 
siasm of  the  people  and  the  warmth  of  friend- 
ship followed  him.  In  the  recess  which  he  took 
from  public  labor,  he  made  a  journey  through 
several  of  the  Southern  States,  arriving  at  Wash- 
ington in  the  spring  of  1844  —  the  first  time,  we 
believe,  that  he  ever  visited  that  city  as  a  private 
citizen.  Plis  journey  was  one  series  of  public 
receptions ;  and  his  opinions  on  topics  of  public 
and  national  interest  were  very  much  sought, 
and  as  freely  given. 


212  LIFE     OF 

Mr.  Clay  returned  in  May,  1844,  to  Ashland,  and 
in  connexion  with  his  arrival  in  Kentucky,  a 
pleasant  and  characteristic  anecdote  is  related. 
He  had  just  been  nominated  to  the  Presidency, 
and  a  crowd  met  him  at  Lexington,  resolved  to 
hear  their  favorite  speak,  and  to  give  him  a 
Kentucky  welcome.  It  was  on  Saturday  evening, 
and  he  told  the  multitude  he  was  happy  to  see 
them  —  happy  to  see  every  one  of  them  —  but 
there  was  an  excellent  old  lady  in  the  neighbor- 
hood whom  he  had  rather  see  than  any  one  else! 
So,  bidding  them  good  night,  he  pressed  on  for 
his  home. 

Mr.  Clay  never  was  reserved  in  the  expression 
of  his  opinions.  He  was  too  frank  to  have  any 
concealments,  and  thus  presented  many  assailable 
points  to  opponents  who  perverted  his  words. 
The  annexation  of  Texas  began  at  this  time  to 
be  mooted,  and  Mr.  Clay,  in  letters,  in  speeches, 
and  in  conversation,  declared  against  it,  predict- 
ing, as  a  necessary  consequence,  the  war  with 
Mexico  which  followed  that  measure.  The  an- 
nexation was  consummated  under  President  Tyler. 
The  election  came  on,  and  Mr.  Polk,  as  Mr.  Ty- 
ler's successor,  inherited  the  war  which  Mr.  Clay 
had  predicted.     The  tariff,  which  had  been  tern- 


HENRY     CLAY.  213 

porarily  adjusted  during  Mr.  Tyler's  administra- 
tion, was  revised  under  Mr.  Polk,  and  the  present 
system  established,  of  which  it  is  sufficient  for  us 
to  say  that  it  is  a  departure  from  the  system 
which  Mr.  Clay  had  so  long  defended.  These  and 
other  measures  which  are  at  war  with  the  policy 
of  Mr.  Clay,  were  carried  during  his  absence  from 
the  Senate.  His  presence  in  that  body  would 
not,  perhaps,  have  averted  the  departure  from  his 
line  of  policy.  A  strong  majority  was  against 
him  ;  but  still  it  is  a  significant  fact,  that  the 
"black  tariff"  of  1828  and  the  tariff  of  1846, 
the  two  most  objectionable  enactments  on  the 
subject,  were  both  passed  in  his  absence. 

In  rural  and  legal  pursuits,  and  the  restoration 
of  his  pecuniary  affairs,  which  attention  to  the 
public  weal,  and  too  great  confidence  in  others 
had  impaired,  Mr.  Clay  passed  the  season  of  his 
absence  from  public  life.  One  of  the  most  grate- 
ful events  of  his  life,  was  the  unsought  contribu- 
tions on  the  part  of  his  friends,  to  relieve  his 
estate  from  claims  to  which  it  had  become  liable 
by  endorsing  for  another.  The  amount  was  over 
twenty  thousand  dollars.  Well  might  he  exclaim, 
in  view  of  the  bitterness  with  which  his  opponents 
pursued  him,  and  the  liberality  and  affection  of 


214  LIFE    OF 

his  friends,  "Had  ever  man  such  enemies  —  had 
ever  man  such  friends,  as  I  have !" 

Our  limits  do  not  permit  us  to  notice  a  tithe  of 
the  testimonials  of  respect  and  affection  which 
Mr.  Clay  received  from  all  classes.  Some  of  these 
were  of  great  value ;  as  for  instance,  the  medal 
presented  by  his  friends  in  New  York,  the  work- 
manship of  which  alone  cost  over  two  thousand 
dollars.  Others  were  significant  from  their  par- 
ticular occasion,  as  the  testimony,  of  the  gratitude 
of  the  sons  of  Ireland,  for  his  eloquent  speech  in 
behalf  of  their  famine-stricken  countrymen.  Be- 
ing in  New  Orleans  early  in  1847,  he  was  invited 
to  attend  a  meeting  held  in  behalf  of  Ireland ; 
and  his  speech  was  worthy  of  the  theme  and  of 
the  man.  The  effect  of  the  speech  was  electric 
on  those  who  heard  it,  and  on  the  public  ear  it 
fell  great  among  the  many  great  appeals  which 
that  occasion  called  forth.  The  honored  of  the 
South  American  patriots  became  beloved  among 
the  sufferers  in  Ireland.  In  the  letter  begging 
his  acceptance  of  their  testimonial  —  a  service  of 
splendid  cutlery — the  donors  said,  "It  must  be 
an  abiding  joy  to  your  generous  heart,  to  know 
that  American  benevolence  is  devoutly  blessed  in 
parishes  and  cabins,  where  even  your  name,  illus* 


HENRY    CLxVT.  215 

trious  as  it  is,  had  hardly  been  heard  before  the 
famine ;  and  that  thousands  have  been  impelled, 
by  their  deliverance  from  the  worst  effects  of  that 
dire  calamity,  to  invoke  blessings  on  the  head  of 
Henry  Clay." 

While  ever  ready  to  commiserate  the  woes  of 
others,  Mr.  Clay  has  had,  in  his  own  household, 
many  sorrows.  Of  eleven  children,  four  only 
survive  him ;  and  one  of  these,  his  eldest  son, 
has  been  for  many  years  the  inmate  of  a  retreat 
for  the  insane.  One  of  his  sons,  Henry  Clay,  jr., 
fell  at  Buena  Vista,  while  gallantly  leading  his 
men.  He  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  the 
highest  testimony  is  borne  to  his  character  as  a 
soldier  and  a  man.  His  loss  was  Mr.  Clay's  direct 
share  in  the  miseries  of  the  war  which  he  depre- 
cated ;  and  on  no  occasion  could  he  afterward 
allude  to  it,  without  the  deepest  emotion. 

Following  the  reception  of  the  news  of  this 
great  affliction,  we  find  Mr.  Clay  making  a 
public  profession  in  baptism  of  his  faith  in  the 
Christian  religion.  His  father,  as  we  have  noted, 
was  a  clergyman  —  his  brother  is  also;  and  they 
both  are  members  of  a  denomination  —  the  Bap- 
tist—  which  does  not  recognize  the  validity  of 
the  sacrament    administered    to    infants.      From 


216  LIFE    OF 

this  circumstance  arose  the  fact  that  the  veteran 
statesman,  in  his  seventieth  year,  was,  with  his 
daughter-in-law  and  four  of  his  grand-children, 
admitted  by  baptism  into  the  church.  It  was  a 
touching  testimony  to  the  consolations,  which 
truly  great  minds  find  in  the  profession  of  Christ, 
that  Mr.  Clay,  the  idol  of  a  great  nation,  should 
bow,  in  his  age,  like  a  little  child,  and  with  little 
children,  before  Him  who  is  no  respecter  of  per- 
sons. His  life  needed  only  this  to  give  him  the 
highest  claim  to  the  love  and  veneration  of  his 
compatriots.  The  sacrament  was  administered 
by  the  Rev.  Edward  F.  Berkely,  of  Christ  (Pro- 
testant Episcopal)  Church,  Lexington,  where  for 
many  years  Mr.  Clay  had  been  a  worshipper. 

In  the  winter  of  1847-8,  Mr.  Clay  was  drawn 
to  Washington  on  professional  business.  The 
amount  of  physical  and  mental  labor  of  which  he 
was  at  this  time  capable,  is  wonderful,  when  we 
consider  his  advanced  age.  He  had,  during  the 
season  previous,  visited  New  Orleans  and  returned 
to  Ashland,  and  thence  gone  to  Cape  Ma}',  and 
returned,  again  to  leave  for  Washington.  His 
journeys,  it  must  be  remembered,  were  not  the 
quiet  passages  of  an  unknown  man ;  but  at  every 


HENRY    CLAY.  217 

considerable  point  he  had  speeches  to  make: — often 
without  previous  notice. 

Oratory  was  his  element,  and  ou  fitting  occa- 
sions he  could  not  resist,  though  when  necessity 
exacted,  he  could  dismiss  thousands  in  good 
humor  with  a  word.  In  Baltimore,  on  one  occa- 
sion, when  the  house  in  which  he  wras  a  guest 
was  besieged  by  his  admirers,  he  offered  them,  in 
plajful  terms,  a  "compromiser  If  they  would 
let  him  alone,  he  would  let  them  alone.  He  dis- 
missed a  throng  in  Philadelphia  with  similar 
badinage.  Wit  and  humor  were  as  ready  with 
him  as  pathos.  An  amusing  instance  occurred 
during  Jackson's  administration.  Mr.  Van  Buren 
as  Vice-President,  presided  in  the  Senate.  Mr. 
Clay,  in  the  most  pathetic  terms,  depicted  the 
distress  of  the  country,  and  begged  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  since  he  had  the  President's  ear,  to  make 
the  representation  to  General  Jackson.  On  the 
next  morning  Mr.  Clay  gravely  asked  him, 
"  Well,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  did  you  carry  my  mes- 
sage ?"  At  Mrs.  Polk's  table,  in  Washington. 
Mr.  Clay  said,  "No  one  complains  of  your  ad- 
ministration, madam  —  but  I  have  heard  seme 
complaint  of  your  husband's." 

While  in  Washington,  in  1848,  Mr.  Clay  made 
one  of  his  most  splendid  speeches  in  behalf  of  the 

19 


218  LIFE    OF 

Colonization  Society,  at  its  anniversary  meeting. 
It  was  remarkable  no  less  for  its  retrospective  facts, 
than  for  its  eloquence.  We  may  note  here  that 
in  1849,  when  the  subject  of  emancipation  and 
colonization  was  before  the  people  of  Kentucky, 
in  connexion  with  a  revision  of  their  Constitution, 
Mr.  Clay  addressed  a  letter  to  them,  advocating 
the  same  policy  which  he  had  defended,  on  a 
similar  occasion,  nearly  fifty  years  before.  He 
wished  the  principle  of  gradual  emancipation 
incorporated  in  the  new  instrument.  His  appeal 
was  unsuccessful.  This  circumstance  affords 
another  proof  of  the  practical  and  broad  philan- 
thropy of  the  man.  He  never  defended  slavery 
in  the  abstract,  —  and  was  therefore  denounced, 
by  ultra  pro-slavery  men,  as  an  abolitionist.  He 
knew  the  South,  and  understood  what  appeared 
feasible,  and  what  not,  and  declined  to  destroy 
his  general  usefulness,  by  limited  pursuit  of  one 
idea.  This  caused  the  ultra  opponents  of  slavery 
to  denounce  him  on  the  other  hand.  His  broad 
and  statesmanlike  views  embraced  the  whole  sub- 
ject, in  all  its  bearings  and  difficulties  ;  and  by  this 
course,  while  the  over-zealous  condemned  him, 
the  judicious  admit,  that  with  a  majority  of 
statesmen  like  Mr.  Clay,  the  evil  of  slavery  would 
be  gradually,  as  thus  only  it  can  be  safely,  abated. 


HENRY    CLAY.  219 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

MR.  CLAY   RETURNS   TO   THE   SENATE  —  THE    COMPROMISE 
OF  1850  -  -  THE  RIVER  AND  HARBOR  BILL  OP  1851. 

Mr.  Clay  was  unanimously  chosen  a  Senator 
of  the  United  States  for  the  term  commencing  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1849.  He  had  previously  been 
offered  the  appointment  to  fill  a  vacancy,  but  de- 
clined, though  he  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  slight 
the  unanimous  wish  of  his  constituents,  as  ex- 
pressed by  their  choice  without  a  dissenting  voice. 
The  peculiar  position  of  public  affairs,  and  the 
indications-  of  a  new  collision  between  the  North 
and  South  upon  the  slavery  question,  no  doubt 
influenced  Mr.  Clay's  course ;  and  the  service  he 
rendered  in  Congress  gave  him,  at  the  close  of 
his  life,  a  new  title  to  the  national  gratitude. 

Texas  had  been  annexed  in  his  absence  from 
Congress  ;  the  Mexican  war  had  closed  with  a 
new  and  immense  accession  of  territory,  inclu- 
ding  the   disputed  boundaries   of  Texas,   which 


220  LIFE    OF 

had  led  to  the  war  between  Mexico  and  the  Uni- 
ted States.  And  now  came  the  same  boundary 
dispute  between  the  United  States  and  Texas,  the 
lands  in  question  having  been  ceded  to  the  Uni- 
ted States  by  the  Treaty  with  Mexico.  The  last 
session  of  Congress  under  Mr.  Polk's  administra- 
tion, was  spent  in  a  struggle  relative  to  the 
organization  of  Territorial  governments  in  the 
newly  acquired  country.  The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, in  1848,  passed  a  resolution,  as  pro- 
posed by  Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  since 
called  by  his  name,  declaring  that  no  territory, 
acquired  from  Mexico  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
should  be  open  to  the  introduction  of  slavery. 
This  "  proviso"  was  rejected  by  the  Senate.  The 
session  of  1848-9  went  by  without  the  settle- 
ment of  the  territorial  government  question,  the 
House  insisting  upon  the  interdiction  of  slavery, 
and  the  Senate  rejecting  any  such  restriction. 

On  the  29th  of  January,  1850,  Mr.  Clay  intro- 
duced into  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  a 
series  of  resolutions,  for  the  settlement  of  the 
questions  in  controversy.  The  first  provided  for 
the  admission  of  California  into  the  Union.  The 
second  declared  that  as  slavery  did  not  exist  by 
law,  and  was  not  likely  to  be  introduced  into  any 


HENRY    CLAY.  221 

of  the  territory  acquired  from  Mexico  by  treaty, 
legislation  on  the  subject  was  unnecessary.  The 
third  and  fourth  resolutions  fixed  the  boundary 
of  Texas,  and  provided  for  the  payment  to  Texas 
of  a  sum  afterward  to  be  fixed  for  the  relinquish- 
ment of  New  Mexico.  The  fifth  resolution  de- 
clared the  inexpediency  of  abolishing  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  while  it  still  existed  in 
Maryland.  The  sixth  resolution  declared  the 
expediency  of  prohibiting  the  slave  trade  in  the 
District.  The  seventh  declared  the  necessity  of 
providing,  by  law,  for  the  delivery  of  fugitive 
slaves;  and  the  eighth  denied  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States  over  the  slave  trade  between 
slave  States. 

After  several  days'  debate,  Mr.  Clay  having 
supported  his  propositions  by  a  two  days'  speech, 
the  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a  committee  of 
thirteen,  of  which  Mr.  Clay  was  Chairman.  The 
committee  reported  on  the  8th  of  May,  and  their 
report  was  debated  for  nearly  three  months.  The 
leading  Senators  all  spoke  upon  it.  The  bill  ac- 
companying the  report  was  called,  in  familiar 
language,  "  The  Omnibus  Bill,"  from  the  great 
variety  of  subjects  which  it  embraced.  The  ad- 
mission of  California,  the  boundary  of  Texas,  the 

19* 


222  LIFE    OF 

right  of  new  States  formed  out  of  Texas  to  Is* 
admitted  without  regard  to  slavery,  and  tho 
establishment  of  Territorial  governments  fo** 
Utah  and  New  Mexico,  all  were  included  in  this 
cumbrous  bill.  The  only  part  left  after  three 
months'  debate,  was  the  section  establishing  a 
government  for  Utah.  California  was  afterwards 
admitted  by  a  separate  act.  In  separate  bills,  the 
rest  of  the  subjects  were  also  disposed  of.  New 
Mexico  was  organized,  the  limits  of  Texas  were 
defined,  and  acts  were  passed  for  the  abolition  of 
the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
for  the  arrest  of  fugitive  slaves. 

Mr.  Clay  labored  as  far  as  his  health  would 
permit,  in  the  business  of  this  very  laborious  ses- 
sion. But  he  was  no  longer  the  indefatigable 
legislator.  Physical  debility,  arising  from  in- 
creasing age,  impaired  his  powers,  and  lessened 
his  capacity  for  endurance.  During  the  month 
of  August  he  was  necessarily  absent,  endeavoring, 
by  repose  and  medical  treatment,  to  restore  his 
exhausted  energies. 

The  Compromise  measures  formed  the  last  im- 
portant public  business  in  which  Mr.  Clay  took  an 
active  part.  His  sentiments  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery,  and  his  desire  for  its  gradual  abolition,  we 


HENRY     CLAY.  223 

have  already  exhibited.  He  stood  before  Congress 
in  the  Compromise  debate,  as  a  slaveholder,  and 
the  representative  of  slaveholders  ;  and  from  his 
speeches,  we  know  that  the  concessions  made  by 
the  South  in  the  matter,  though  less  than  Mr. 
Clay  desired,  were  more  than  any  other  states- 
man could  have  procured.  Mr.  Clay  believed  in 
the  right  of  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  as  he  showed,  by  simply 
denying  its  expediency  —  leaving  the  matter  of 
right  out  of  the  question.  But  his  Southern 
compatriots  avoided  any  expression,  by  resolu- 
tion, which  could  convey  this  sentiment,  even  by 
implication.  So  far  as  slavery  is  touched  in  the 
"  Compromise,"  no  new  right  is  claimed  for  the 
South  ;  the  restoration  of  fugitives  being  guaran- 
tied by  the  Constitution.  The  surrender  of  the 
slave  trade  in  the  District,  is  a  concession  which 
impliedly  abandons  the  defence  of  the  traffic  —  a 
concession,  the  importance  of  which,  in  a  moral 
point  of  view,  is  much  better  understood  and  felt 
at  the  South,  than  the  North;  and  to  the  South, 
the  North  owes  a  much  higher  appreciation  of 
this  concession,  than  it  has  received.  And  as  tc 
slavery  in  the  new  territory,  California  has  shown 
what  is  likely  to  be  the  result  of  leaving  its  legal- 


224  LIFE    OF 

ity,  or  illegality,  un affirmed.  Mr.  Webster  and 
Mr.  Clay,  with  other  eminent  men,  coincided  in 
the  opinion,  that  this  point  of  slavery  will  adjust 
itself.  Mr.  Clay  said,  in  introducing  the  subject : 
"From  all  that  I  have  heard  or  read,  from  the 
testimony  of  all  the  witnesses  I  have  seen  or  con- 
versed with,  from  all  that  has  transpired  or  is 
transpiring,  1  do  believe,  that  not  within  one  foot 
of  the  territory  acquired  by  us  from  Mexico,  will 
slavery  ever  be  planted  ;  and  I  believe  it  could 
not  be  done,  even  by  the  force  and  power  of 
public  authority."  Such  were  Mr.  Clay's  opinions. 
Such  also  were  Mr.  Webster's,  who  expressed  them 
in  terms  even  more  emphatic. 

Mr.  Clay  returned  to  Kentucky  during  the 
recess  of  Congress.  He  came  again  to  Washing- 
ton to  attend  the  next  session  of  Congress,  but 
did  not  appear  in  his  seat  until  the  16th  of  De- 
cember. He  took  little  part  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Senate,  being  drawn  to  Washington  more, 
probably,  to  watch  the  operation  of  the  Compro- 
mise policy,  than  from  any  other  motive.  Upon 
the  occasion  of  presenting  some  petitions  for  a 
revision  of  the  Tariff,  Mr.  Clay  made  some  de- 
cided, but  temperate  remarks.  But,  on  the  pas- 
sage of  the  River  and  Harbor  Appropriation  Bill, 
the  lire  of  old  seemed  to  be  reawakened.     It  was 


HENRY     CLAY.  ZZO 

not  taken  up  until  the  first  day  of  March,  three 
days  only  before  the  close  of  the  session ;  and  its 
opponents  defeated  it  by  questions  of  amendment 
and  other  party  manoeuvres,  consuming  the  time 
till  the  session  was  closed.  Mr.  Clay  spoke 
earnestly,  but  in  vain,  and  the  bill  was  laid  over, 
unacted  upon. 

Among  the  first  efforts  of  Mr.  Clay  in  Congress, 
as  the  reader  will  doubtless  recollect,  were  speeches 
in  advocacy  of  "  Internal  Improvement."  He  first 
procured  the  formal  declaration  of  the  principle, 
by  a  resolution  offered  by  him  in  February,  1807, 
and  passed  almost  unanimously.  And  in  March, 
1851,  his  voice  was  heard  for  the  last  time  in 
the  Capitol,  defending  the  policy  of  which  he  had 
commenced  the  advocacy  forty-five  years  before. 

How  had  the  times  changed  since  then  !  Many 
of  his  early  co-laborers  had  long  been  in  their 
graves ;  and  of  those  who  continued  a  long  politi- 
cal life  with  him,  the  last  survivors  were  dropping 
away.  J.  Q.  Adams,  who  shared  with  him  labor 
and  undeserved  obloqu}-,  had  but  lately  descended 
to  the  tomb.  Calhoun,  his  early  friend,  died  du- 
ring the  discussion  of  the  Compromise  bill.  Cal- 
houn, Clay  and  Webster,  all  participated  in  the 
labors  of  that  famous  session.  All  were  members 
of  the  Senate  in  1S50  —  all  are  now  in  the  grave. 


226  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

MR.  CLAY'S  LAST  ILLNESS  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  KOSSUTH  — 
HIS  DEMEANOR  IN  THE  SICK-ROOM HIS  DEATH. 

We  are  now  drawing  to  "  the  last  scene  of  all." 
Mr.  Clay  returned  to  Washington  with  the  inten- 
tion to  resume  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  session  of  1851-2.  But  the 
condition  of  his  health  was  such,  that  he  was 
unable  to  take  any  part  in  the  public  business. 
The  recess  had  been  calmly  passed  at  Ashland ; 
and  if  Mr.  Clay  had  been  governed  by  motives 
of  selfish  prudence,  he  would  not  have  ventured 
upon  the  journey  to  Washington. 

While  he  was  confined  to  his  sick  chamber, 
Louis  Kossuth,  the  Hungarian  orator,  visited 
Washington,  by  invitation  of  Congress.  His 
speeches,  wherever  he  had  travelled  in  the  Uni- 
ted States,  had  awakened  an  enthusiasm  in  his 
behalf,  almost  unprecedented ;  and  not  a  few  of 
the  members  of  the  national  legislature  partook 


HENRY     CLAY.  227 

of  the  feeling.  Daring  a  previous  session,  Mr. 
Clay  had  opposed  a  resolution  offered  by  Senator 
Cass,  for  suspending  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
Austria,  and  had  indicated,  as  a  much  better 
mode  of  showing  sympathy  for  Hungary,  the  ex- 
tension of  relief  to  the  exiles  driven  out  by  Aus- 
trian oppression.  He  exposed  the  danger  and 
impolicy  of  becoming  entangled  in  European 
politics,  and  defended  the  settled  policy  of  the 
United  States  "  non-intervention  in  the  affairs  of 
other  nations."  And  when  Kossuth  arrived  in 
Washington,  Mr.  Clay  gracefully  and  eloquently 
expressed  the  same  opinions,  at  an  interview  to 
which  the  illustrious  Hungarian  was  admitted  in 
his  apartment.  This  was  the  last  act  of  Mr. 
Clay's  life  which  had  any  bearing  upon  public 
measures,  if  we  except  his  acquiescence  in  the 
nomination  of  a  Presidential  candidate,  made  by 
the  Whig  party.  His  own  choice  had  been  dif- 
ferent; but,  as  on  previous  occasions,  he  was  ever 
ready  to  waive  his  personal  preferences,  where  no 
sacrifice  of  principle  was  involved  in  the  surren- 
der. 

Mr.  Clay  died  on  the  morning  of  the  29th  of 
June,  1852,  in  the  seventy-fifth  year  of  his  age. 
His  death  was  occasioned  by  a  decay  of  his  phys- 


228  LIFE    OP 

ical  powers,  precipitated  by  his  intense  labors 
during  the  passage  of  the  third  great  Compromise. 

The  following  account  of  Mr.  Clay's  demeanor 
in  the  sick  room,  is  by  Rev.  C.  M.  Butler,  of 
Washington : 

"  At  the  time  when  he  was  very  feeble,  and 
not  expecting  to  survive  but  a  few  days,  (though 
he  afterwards  rallied,)  I  was  in  the  habit  of  visit- 
ing him  every  day.  This  visit  was  made  in  the 
afternoon.  At  that  time,  although  he  was  able 
to  be  off  his  couch  but  about  two  hours,  he  was 
in  the  habit  of  being  dressed  as  carefully,  even  to 
his  boots  and  his  watch,  as  if  he  were  about  to  go 
to  the  Senate  Chamber  —  a  habit  which  showed 
his  love  of  neatness  and  order,  and  which  it  re- 
quired a  vast  amount  of  energy  to  sustain  —  and 
then  to  see  his  friends  before  and  after  dinner. 
It  so  happened  that  on  one  occasion  when  I 
called,  I  found  him  so  exhausted  that  he  was  in 
haste  to  return  to  his  bed,  and  was  unable  to  join 
with  me  in  my  usual  religious  service.  For  seve- 
ral days  after  I  was  prevented  from  seeing  him 
by  parish  duty.  Mr.  Clay  sent  for  me,  and  ex- 
pressed the  fear  that  I  had  not  been  to  see  him, 
because  he  might  have  seemed  irritable  and  im- 
patient when  I  was  last  with  him.     I  assured  him 


HENRY    CLAY.  229 

that  I  had  not  observed  the  slightest  evidence  of 
anything  but  excessive  weariness,  and  had  been 
detained  by  unavoidable  duty  elsewhere.  In  the 
kindest  terms  he  enjoined  me  not  to  allow  him  to 
become  troublesome.  So  considerate  —  so  kind — 
so  humble  —  so  fearful  of  wounding  and  giving 
trouble  —  how  could  it  be  otherwise,  than  that 
the  favored  group  who  were  permitted  to  minister 
at  his  bed-side,  learned  to  love  him  with  singular 
tenderness  and  tenacity  of  affection?" 

Rev.  Dr.  Butler  was  a  frequent  visiter  at  Mr. 
Clay's  bed-side,  and,  at  his  request,  held  religious 
services  in  his  apartment,  at  one  time,  as  often  as 
once  a  day.  The  account  of  his  last  reception  of 
the  Lord's  Supper,  has  a  mournful,  yet  delightful 
interest.  "  Being  extremely  feeble,  and  desirous 
of  having  his  mind  undiverted,  no  persons  were 
present  but  his  son  and  servant.  It  was  a  scene 
long  to  be  remembered.  There,  in  that  still 
chamber,  at  a  weekday  noon,  —  the  tides  of  life 
all  flowing  strong  around  us,  —  three  disciples  of 
the  Savior,  —  the  minister  of  God,  the  dying 
statesman,  and  his  servant,  a  partaker  of  the  like 
precious  faith,  commemorated  their  Savior's  dying 
love.  He  joined  in  the  blessed  sacrament  with 
great   feeling   and    solemnity,   now  pressing   his 

20 


230  LIFE    OF 

hands  together,  and  now  spreading  them  forth, 
as  words  of  the  service  expressed  the  feelings, 
desires,  supplications  and  thanksgivings  of  his 
heart.  After  this,  he  rallied,  and  again  I  was  often 
permitted  to  join  with  him  in  religious  services, 
conversation,  and  prayer.  He  grew  in  grace,  and 
in  the  knowledge  of  our  Lord  and  Savior  Jesus 
Christ.  Among  the  books  that  he  read  most, 
were  Jay's  Morning  and  Evening  Exercises,  the 
Life  of  Dr.  Chalmers,  and  the  Christian  Philoso- 
pher Triumphant  in  Death.  His  hope  continued 
to  the  end,  though  true  and  real,  to  be  tremulous 
with  humility,  rather  than  rapturous  with  as- 
surance. When  he  felt  most  the  weariness  of  his 
protracted  sufferings,  it  sufficed  to  suggest  to  him 
that  his  Heavenly  Father  doubtless  knew  that, 
after  a  life  so  long,  stirring,  and  tempted,  such  a 
discipline  of  chastening  and  suffering  was  needful 
to  make  him  meet  for  the  inheritance  of  the 
saints ;  and  at  once  the  words  of  meek  and  pa- 
tient acquiescence  escaped  his  lips.  Exhausted 
nature  at  length  gave  way. 

"  On  the  last  occasion  when  I  was  permitted  to 
offer  a  brief  prayer  at  his  bedside,  his  last  words 
to  me  were,  that  he  had  hope  only  in  Christ,  and 
that  the  prayer  which  I  had  offered  for  His  par- 


HENRY     CLAY.  231 

doning  love,  and  his  sanctifying  grace,  included 
everything  which  the  dying  need.  On  the  even- 
ing previous  to  his  departure,  sitting  an  hour  in 
silence  by  his  side,  I  could  not  but  realize,  when 
I  heard  him  in  the  slight  wanderings  of  his  mind 
to  other  days  and  other  scenes,  murmuring  the 
words,  '  My  mother,  mother,  mother ;'  and  say- 
ing, '  My  dear  wife,'  as  if  she  were  present.  I 
could  not  but  realize  then,  and  rejoice  to  think 
how  near  was  the  blessed  reunion  of  his  weary 
heart  with  the  loved  dead,  and  with  her.  Our 
dear  Lord,  gently  smooth  her  passage  to  the  tomb, 
who  must  soon  follow  him  to  his  rest,  whose 
spirits  even  then  seemed  to  visit  and  to  cheer  his 
memory  and  his  hope.  Gently  he  breathed  his 
soul  away  into  the  spirit  world. 

'  How  blest  the  righteous  when  they  die ! 
When  holy  souls  retire  to  rest, 
How  mildly  beams  the  closing  eye 
How  gently  heaves  the  expiring  breast! 
So  fades  a  summer  cloud  away, 
So  sinks  the  gale"  when  storms  are  o'er* 
So  gently  shuts  the  eye  of  day, 
So  dies  the  wave  upon  the  shore ' M 


232  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

SPEECHES  IN  CONGRESS  —  FUNERAL  HONORS  —  BURIAL  AT 
LEXINGTON  —  CONCLUSION. 

The  intelligence  of  the  decease  of  Henry  Clay 
was  instantly  circulated,  and  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress adjourned  before  any  formal  report  waa 
communicated  to  them.  His  death  —  long  as  it 
had  been  expected — was  not  so  immediately  anti- 
cipated. On  their  way  to  the  Capitol,  the  mem- 
bers heard  the  rumor,  and  met  only  to  adjourn. 

On  the  next  day,  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Under- 
wood, Mr.  Clay's  colleague,  formally  announced 
his  death,  and  proceeded  in  a  graceful  eulogy. 
Other  Senators  followed  :  Messrs.  Lewis  Cass, 
R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  John  P.  Hale,  Jeremiah  Cle- 
mens, James  Cooper,  William  H.  Seward,  G.  W. 
Jones,  and  Walter  Brooke.  Men  of  all  parties 
and  shades  of  political  opinion,  and  representing 
various  sections  of  the  country,  and  different 
interests,  were  unanimous  in  their  award  of  high 
honor   to  Henry  Clay.     In  the  House  of  Repro 


The  Torchlight  Procession. — Page  233. 


HENRY    CLAY.  233 

sentatives,  Mr.  Breckenridge  announced  the  de- 
cease of  the  illustrious  Senator.  From  his  speech 
we  extract  one  paragraph,  which  places  Mr.  Clay 
in  a  truly  noble  light.  His  countrymen,  of  all 
parties,  will  endorse  it :  — 

"  The  life  of  Henry  Clay  is  a  striking  example 
of  the  abiding  fame  which  surely  awaits  the  direct 
and  candid  statesman.  The  entire  absence  of 
equivocation  or  disguise  in  all  his  acts,  was  the 
master-key  to  the  popular  heart;  for  while  the 
people  will  forgive  the  errors  of  a  bold  and  open 
nature,  he  sins  past  forgiveness  who  deliberately 
deceives  them.  Hence  Mr.  Clay,  though  often 
defeated  in  his  measures  of  policy,  always  secured 
the  respect  of  his  opponents,  without  losing  the 
confidence  of  his  friends.  He  never  paltered  in 
a  double  sense.  The  country  never  was  in  doubt 
as  to  his  opinions  and  his  purposes.  In  all  the 
contests  of  his  time,  his  position  in  great  public 
questions  was  as  clear  as  the  sun  in  a  cloudless 
sky.  Standing  by  the  grave  of  this  great  man, 
and  considering  these  things,  how  contemptible 
appears  the  mere  legerdemain  of  politics !  What 
a  reproach  is  his  life  on  that  false  policy,  which 
would  trifle  with  a  great  and  upright  people.  If 
I  were  to  write  his  epitaph,  I  would  inscribe,  as 


234  LIFE    OF 

the  highest  eulogy,  on  the  stone  which  shall  mark 
his  resting  place,  '  Here  lies  a  man  who  was  in 
the  public  service  fifty  years,  and  never  attempted 
to  deceive  his  countrymen.'" 

Twelve  of  the  members  of  the  House  followed 
Mr.  Breckenridge — representing,  as  in  the  speeches 
of  the  Senators,  every  class  of  the  American  peo- 
ple. If  we  were  to  select  honorable  specimens 
of  Congressional  oratory,  we  could  find  no  fitter 
speeches  than  those  —  honorable  as  they  are  to 
the  patriotism,  the  feeling,  and  the  justice  of  Mr. 
Clay's  opponents,  as  well  as  his  political  friends. 
The  nation  endorses  the  verdict  on  the  Noble 
Man  whose  declaration  was,  "  I  would  rather  be 
right  than  President." 

On  Thursday,  July  1,  the  remains  of  Henry 
Clay  were  removed  from  the  National  Hotel  to 
the  Senate  Chamber,  attended  by  a  long  funeral 
cortege,  civil  and  military.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Butler 
read  the  Burial  Service  of  the  Episcopal  Church, 
which  includes  the  greater  part  of  the  XVth 
Chapter  of  the  1st  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 
He  pronounced  also  a  solemn  and  impressive  dis- 
course, founded  on  the  seventeenth  verse  of  the 
forty-eighth  chapter  of  Jeremiah  :  "  How  is  the 
Btrong  staff  broken  and  the  beautiful  rod !"     We 


HENRY     CLAY.  235 

have  already  quoted  from  the  discourse  in  a  pre- 
vious chapter,  and  here  subjoin  the  closing  words 
■ — the  religious  life  of  the  illustrious  deceased 
having  just  been  reviewed  by  the  reverend 
orator  :  — 

"  Be  it  ours  to  follow  him  in  the  same  humble 
and  submissive  faith  to  heaven.  Could  he  speak 
to  us  the  counsels  of  his  latest  human  and  of  his 
present  heavenly  experiences,  sure  I  am  that  he 
would  not  only  admonish  us  to  cling  to  the  Savior, 
in  sickness  and  in  death,  but  abjure  us  not  to 
delay  —  to  act  upon  our  first  convictions,  that  we 
might  give  our  best  power  and  full  influence  for 
God,  and  go  to  the  grave  with  a  hope  unshadowed 
by  the  long  worldliness  of  the  past,  and  darkened 
by  no  films  of  fear  and  doubt  resting  over  the 
future.  The  'strong  staff  is  broken,'  and  the 
*  beautiful  rod'  despoiled  of  its  grace  and  bloom, 
but  in  the  light  of  the  eternal  promise,  and  by 
the  power  of  Christ's  resurrection,  we  joyfully 
anticipate  the  prospect  of  seeing  that  broken 
staff  erect,  and  that  beautiful  rod  clothed  with 
celestial  grace,  and  blossoming  with  undying  life 
and  blessedness  in  the  paradise  of  God." 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  service,  the  remains 
of  Mr.  Clay,  suitably  attended  by  Senators  depu- 


236  LIFE     OF 

ted  for  that  office  of  mournful  honor,  left  Wash- 
ington, for  Baltimore.  Here  for  the  night  the 
body  lay  in  state,  in  the  rotunclo  of  the  Exchange, 
a  military  corps,  the  Independent  Grays,  being 
its  guard  of  honor.  Thousands  passed  through 
the  building  to  look  their  last  upon  the  remains 
of  the  patriot;  and  a  feeling  of  the  deepest  sor- 
row seemed  to  pervade  the  city. 

On  Friday  evening  the  funeral  cortege  reached 
Philadelphia.  It  was  met,  at  the  railroad  depot, 
by  the  marshals  and  other  officers  appointed  by 
the  municipal  authorities  of  Philadelphia  and 
the  districts.  The  body  was  removed  to  a  hearse 
appropriately  decorated,  and  drawn  by  six  dark 
horses,  all  the  appointments  intended,  so  far  as 
funeral  magnificence  can  go,  to  testify  the  deep 
grief  of  Philadelphians  for  his  death,  and  their 
respect  for  his  memory.  A  procession  two  miles 
in  length  followed  the  hearse.  The  Philadelphia 
Washington  Grays  preceded  the  body  as  an  escort, 
and  the  First  City  Troop  followed  as  a  guard  of 
honor.  The  line  was  formed  of  municipal  bodies, 
delegations  from  other  cities  and  States,  societies 
of  various  names,  the  clergy  in  carriages,  citizens 
mounted  and  on  foot.  Conspicuous,  and  most 
imposing  by  their  numbers  and  appearance,  were 


HENRY    CLAY.  237 

the  Firemen  of  the  city  and  county,  who  appeared 
in  citizen's  dress,  wearing  uniform  suits  of  black, 
with  white  vests  and  gloves,  and  bearing  torches 
and  appropriate  transparencies  and  banners,  which 
much  enhanced  the  solemn  effect.  Bands  of  music 
played  dirge-like  airs,  the  bells  tolled,  minute-guns 
were  fired ;  and,  save  these  sounds  and  the  heavy 
fall  of  so  many  thousand  feet,  nothing  broke  the 
silence  of  the  night.  No  voice  was  heard- — no 
accident  of  any  nature  marred  the  deep  solemnity 
of  the  scene. 

It  was  midnight  when  the  head  of  the  proces- 
sion reached  Independence  Square.  The  coffin 
was  borne  by  the  pall-bearers,  preceded  by  the 
Chief  Marshal,  and  the  Clergy  in  robes,  and  fol- 
lowed by  the  Congressional  and  other  Committees, 
up  the  main  avenue  to  the  Hall  of  Independence, 
where  the  corpse  was  laid  in  state,  upon  a  bier, 
adorned  with  natural  flowers.  And  here  in  the 
Hall,  where  a  few  years  before  Mr.  Clay  so  touch- 
in  gly  alluded  to  the  death  of  Mr.  Adams,  and 
where  the  remains  of  that  distinguished  patriot 
rested,  Mr.  Clay's  body  lay  in  state.  The  body 
was  surrendered  in  a  feeling  speech,  by  the  Chief 
Marshal,  Major  Fritz,  into  the  keeping  of  the 
City  Authorities.      The  Chairman   of  the  Com- 


238  LIFE    OP 

mittee  of  Arrangements,  Mr.  Wetherill,  was  so 
overcome  by  his  feelings,  that  he  could  not  reply. 
As  each  one  of  the  spectators  admitted,  passed 
around  the  bier,  and  took  a  last  look  at  the  coffin, 
then  encircled  in  a  wreath  of  green,  and  rare 
flowers,  the  silence  of  death  pervaded  the  room. 
Tears  were  freely  shed,  and  the  deepest  sorrow 
was  depicted  in  every  countenance. 

Again  at  New  York  the  funeral  train  made  a 
pause,  and  on  Monday  moved  again  for  Albany. 
During  the  stay  in  New  York,  over  thirty  thou- 
sand persons  passed  through  the  City  Hall,  look- 
ing, as  they  moved,  upon  the  sealed  coffin  which 
contained  all  that  remains  on  earth  of  the  man 
so  deeply  loved.  Thence  by  Albany,  Rochester, 
Buffalo,  Cleveland,  Cincinnati,  Louisville,  to  Lex- 
ington the  sad  procession  moved  —  ever  calling 
out  from  the  heart  of  the  people,  the  evidences 
of  love  and  respect.  Once,  through  the  long  line 
of  his  conquests,  moved  the  remains  of  the  con- 
queror of  the  old  world,  whose  military  renown 
rested  on  the  ruins  of  a  world  laid  waste.  But 
the  conqueror  of  the  new,  the  subduer  of  hearts, 
won  a  greater  victory  in  his  death  —  the  removal 
of  the  last  trace  of  political  bitterness,  the  verdict 
of  a  nation  in  his  praise ;  and  wherever  the  train 


HENR?    CLAY.  239 

approached,  all  else  was  forgotten,  and  all  other 
men  faded  out  of  sight,  before  the  memory  of 
Henry  Clay. 

On  Friday  the  tenth  of  July,  the  remains  of 
Henry  Clay  were  deposited  in  their  resting  place 
in  Lexington,  a  concourse  of  at  least  thirty  thou- 
sand people  being  present,  and  participating  in 
the  ceremonies.  The  funeral  services  were  per- 
formed at  Ashland,  according  to  the  rites  of  the 
Episcopal  Church,  by  Rev.  E.  F.  Berkely,  of  Lex- 
ington. A  large  platform  draped  with  black  cloth, 
was  placed  in  front  of  the  main  entrance  to  the 
house  where  wras  placed  the  coffin,  upon  which 
were  strewn  flowers  of  the  choicest  kind :  on  the 
breast  was  placed  the  beautiful  wreath  made  from 
the  "  Immortelle,"  brought  from  France,  and  pre- 
sented by  Mrs.  Ann  S.  Stephens,  the  poetess. 
The  civic  wreath  presented  by  the  Clay  Festival 
Association  of  New  York,  with  a  similar  request, 
adorned  the  top,  while  the  laurel  wreath  from 
Philadelphia,  and  the  bouquets  from  Baltimore 
and  Washington,  were  placed  around  it. 

But  we  must  cease  the  enumeration  of  the 
posthumous  honors  which  he  received,  wrhose 
death  revealed  how  deep  was  his  hold  upon  the 
American  heart.     The  last  fact  we  have  to  write 


240  LIFE    OF    HENRY    CLAY. 

is  the  evidence  which  Mr.  Clay  left  in  his  will, 
of  his  respect  for  his  principle  in  relation  to  a 
great  public  question  —  the  principle  which  he 
avowed  in  his  youth,  and  re-affirmed  in  his  age. 
That  instrument  provides  that  the  children  of  his 
slives,  born  after  the  1st  of  January,  1850,  are 
to  be  liberated  and  sent  to  Liberia — the  males  at 
the  age  of  28  years,  and  the  females  at  the  age 
of  25.  Three  years'  earnings  prior  to  their 
emancipation,  are  to  be  reserved  for  their  benefit, 
for  the  purpose  of  fitting  them  out ;  and  prior 
to  the  removal  they  are  to  be  taught  to  read, 
write,  and  cypher.  The  slaves  in  being  before 
1850,  are  bequeathed  to  his  family. 

Henry  Clay  is  now  no  longer  a  disputed  name ; 
he  is  no  more  the  partisan,  for  death  has  made 
his  fame  the  national  legacy  —  the  world's  pos- 
session. The  grim  conqueror  has  wrested  from 
'party  what  was  meant  for  mankind  ;  and  unborn 
generations  who  shall  share  the  benefits  which  he 
aided  to  establish  as  unquestioned  human  rights, 
will  revere  his  memory. 


THE    END. 


f  OK  SCHOOL  EXERCISES  AND  EXHIBITIONS. 
GEO.  M.  BAKER'S  POPULAR  READERS  AND  SPEAKERS. 


THE    READING    CLUB,  and   Handy  Speaker.     Being  selections   in 

prose  and  poetry.     Serious,  humorous,  pathetic,  patriotic,  and  dramatic. 

In  sixteen  parts  of  fifty  selections  each.     Cloth,  50  cents;   paper,  15  cents 

each  part. 
THE    POPULAR    SPEAKER.    Containing  the  selections  published 

in  the  Reading  Club,  Xos   13,  14,  15,  and  16.     Cloth.     $1.00. 
THE    PREMIUM    SPEAKER.     Containing  the  selections  published 

in  the  Reading  Club,  Xos.  9,  10,  11,  and  12.     l'Jmo.     Cloth.     $1.00. 
THE    PRIZE    SPEAKER.     Containing  the  selections  published  in  the 

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THE  HANDY  SPEAKER.  Combining  the  selections  published  in  the 
Reading  Club,  Xos.  1,  2,  3,  and  4.  lfimo.  Cloth.  Over  400  pages.  $1.00. 
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and  the  general  reader  will  discover  amusement  for  the  passing  hour, 
whether  his  mood  be   grave  or  gay."  —  Providence  Journal. 

BY"   POPULAR   AUTHORS. 

Parlor  Varieties.  Plays,  Pantomimes,  and  Charades.  By  Emma  E. 
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Dialogues  from  Dickens.    For  schools  and  home  amusement.     Selected 
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$1.50.     Second  Series.     Illustrated.     Cloth,  $1.50. 
The  Dialogues  in  the  above  books  are  selected  from  the  best  points  of  the 

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Mother  Goose  Masquerades.  (The  Lawrence  Mother  Goose.)  By 
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THE   DOUGLAS   NOVELS 

Br  Miss  Amanda  M.  Douglas 
Uniform  Volumes  Price  §1.50  each 

FOES    OF    HER    HOUSEHOLD 

"A  love  story,  agreeably  told,  and  with  piquant  features;  rather  melo- 
dramatic as  a  whole,  but  bright  and  truly  homelike,  winning  the  hearts 
of  its  readers  as  ah  the  works  of  the  author  do."  —  Godey's  Lady's  Book. 

A  WOMAN'S  INHERITANCE. 
'  Like  all  the  romances  of  Miss  Douglas,  this  story  has  a  fascination 
ibout  it  which  enchains  the  reader's  attention  until  the  end." — Balti. 
yiore  News. 

OUT  OF  THE  WRECK;    or,  was  it  a  Victory? 

"Bright  and  entertaining  as  Miss  Douglas's  stories  always  are,  this, 
«er  new  one,  leads  them  all." — New-Bedford  Standard. 

FLOYD    GRANDON'S    HONOR. 

"  Fascinating  throughout,  and  worthy  of  the  reputation  of  the  author." 
—  Philadelphia  Methodist. 

WHOM    KATHIE    MARRIED. 
Kathie  was  the  heroine  of  the  popular  series  of   Kathie  Stories   for 
young   people,  the  readers  of  which  were  very  anxious  to  know  with 
whom  Kathie  settled  down  in  life.    Hence  this  story,  charmingly  written. 

LOST    IN    A    GREAT    CITY. 

"The  reader  will  not  regret  having  commenced  its  perusal.  In  some 
parts  it  is  pathetic,  even  to  eloquence."  —  Sa?i  Francisco  Post. 

THE    OLD    WOMAN    WHO    LIVED    IN    A    SHOE. 

"  The  romances  of  Miss  Douglas's  creation  are  all  thrillingly  interest- 
ing." —  Cambridge  Tribune. 

HOPE    MILLS ;    or,   Between  Friend  and  Sweetheart. 

"  Amanda  Douglas  is  one  of  the  favorite  authors  of  American  novel- 
readers."  —  Manchester  Mirror. 

FROM    HAND    TO    MOUTH. 

"  There  is  real  satisfaction  in  reading  this  book,  from  the  fact  that  we 
can  so  readily  '  take  it  home  '  to  ourselves."  —  Portland  Argus. 

NELLY    KINNARD'S    KINGDOM. 

"  The  Hartford  Religious  Herald  "  says,  "  This  story  is  so  fascinating, 
that  one  can  hardly  lay  it  down  after  taking  it  up." 

IN    TRUST;    or.  Dr.  Bertrand's  Household. 

"  She  writes  in  a  free,  fresh,  and  natural  way;  and  her  characters  are 
never  overdrawn."  —  Manchester  Mirror. 

CLAUDIA. 

"  The  plot  is  very  dramatic,  and  the  denoument  startling.  Claudia,  the 
heroine,  is  one  of  those  self-sacrificing  characters  which  it  is  the  glory  of 
the  female  sex  to  produce."  —  Boston  Journal. 

STEPHEN    DANE. 

*'  This  is  one  of  this  author's  happiest  and  most  successful  attempts  at 
novel-writing,  for  which  a  grateful  public  will  applaud  her."  —  Herald. 

HOME    NOOK;    or,   the   Crown  of  Duty. 
"  An  interesting  story  of  home-life,  not  wanting  in  incident,  and  writ- 
ten in  forcible  and  attractive  style." — New- York  Graphic. 

SYDNIE    ADRIANCE;    or,   Trying  the  World. 
"  The  works  of  Miss  Douglas  have  stood  the  test  of  popular  judgment, 
and  become  the  fashion.    They  are  true,  natural  in  delineation,  pure  and 
elevating  in  their  tone."  —  Express,  Easton,  Penn. 

SEVEN    DAUGHTERS. 

The  charm  of  the  story  is  the  perfectly  natural  and  home-like  air 
which  pervades  it.  

Sold  by  all  booksellers,  and  sent  by  mail,  postpaid,  on  receipt  of  price. 


